Announcing Scholar Salon 100: Register for July 23

“Living Goddess Traditions in Land Salzburg and the Salzkammergut”

with Krista Rodin

Thursday,  July 30, 2026 at 12 NOON Eastern Time  

REGISTER HERE

 

The Saltskammergut region of Austria

Land Salzburg and the Salzkammergut are examples of places where ancient myths and cultures are embedded in local traditions.  From the names of natural features, such as mountains, rivers, and streams, to annual celebrations, pre-Christian traditions continue to live in the minds and hearts of the people of the region. These earlier traditions morphed over time to include or adapt to the reigning Catholic Christian culture, but this transition in itself is evidence of how strong the earlier Celtic culture remains.

We begin with the pre-Celtic Pfahlbau (Pile) culture (ca.3,500 -1,000 BCE) around the Attersee and Mondsee lakes and the artifacts that we have from this time, before getting to the more dominant Hallstatt Celtic Culture. Their influence spread across Europe and later to the British Isles. The Celts remained in the region even after the Romans came and went and the Bavarians arrived.

Bronze vessel, Halstatt culture (805-500 BCE)

The native religion changed somewhat during the Roman period, but contemporary culture was formed when the political world shifted and Catholic Christianity was mandated. This transition is most clearly seen in the change from the Three Bethen of the Celts to the Holy Three Maidens of Alpine Catholicism.

This magnificent alpine region is blessed with ancient goddess traditions that have remained even in a patriarchally dominated world.

Krista Rodin with Wooley Monkey baby in the Columbian Amazon

Dr. Krista Rodin is Professor Emerita of Humanities at Northern Arizona University where she taught interdisciplinary courses relating to ancient cultures and sacred traditions. Her research centers on ancient goddess traditions. She received her Ph.D. in Comparative Literature from the University of Salzburg, Austria.  Dr. Rodin’s extensive travel blog can be accessed here.


 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Upcoming Salon

Scholar Salon 101:

Thursday, September 10 at 12 NOON Eastern Time

The Goddess of Burning Hair

with Mary Mackey

Benefit of Membership - ASWM

This Salon recording will also be available to members when processed after the event. 

 

Scholar Salon 98 (Recording Now Available)

Scholar Salon #98: Dr. Feroza Jussawalla discusses the female angels and protectors of Zoroastrianism, the first religion to recognize the importance of both of women’s equality and of not polluting the environment.

LOGIN STATUS: You are not logged in. If you are a current member, please LOGIN BELOW.  

Hello! If you would like to view this content, please SIGN UP/RENEW to become an member of ASWM.

Email us if you need assistance anytime at membership@womenandmyth.org - The ASWM Membership Team

Scholar Salon 97 (Recording Now Available)

Scholar Salon #97: Science writer Starre Vartan replaces myths with realities about women's strength, drawing from evolutionary biology, physiology, and contemporary research to reveal the adaptive advantages embedded in female bodies. 

LOGIN STATUS: You are not logged in. If you are a current member, please LOGIN BELOW.  

Hello! If you would like to view this content, please SIGN UP/RENEW to become an member of ASWM.

Email us if you need assistance anytime at membership@womenandmyth.org - The ASWM Membership Team

Tlazolteotl: The Goddess of Filth

Author: Anne Key, PhD
Beltane 2009, Vol 8-3
From the Archives of MatriFocus
A Cross-Quarterly Web Magazine for Goddess Women Near & Far
Discover More: “ASWM Presents MatriFocus


Tlazolteotl
Photo © 2007 Anne Key.

My heart is a flower, the corolla opens;
Ah! It is the mistress of midnight and She has arrived
Our Mother, the Goddess Tlazolteotl.
(Hymn to Tlazolteotl, from Baéz-Jorge 101)[1]

She is easily identified, usually with black around her mouth, sometimes with a conical hat or riding a broom, and often squatting in a birth-giving posture. Tlazolteotl is one of the most endearing and complex goddesses of the Mesoamericans.

Her name is derived from the Nahuatl word for garbage, tlazolli, literally “old, dirty, deteriorated, worn-out thing … which was used to connote filfth, garbage, or refuse, all of which subsumed human waste products” (Klein 21). Tlazolli could also refer to profligate behavior, related to the root for quail (zolli), a bird associated with fertility and the earth “owing to its tendency to keep close to the ground and to its prolific breeding habits” (Sullivan 11). Indeed Tlazolteotl both provoked and pardoned licentiousness, explaining Her moniker “The Eater of Filth.”

The second part of Her name, teotl, signifies a deity, and in this generic form could refer to male or female. However, Tlazolteotl is almost always considered female. The early Spanish clerics compared Her to the Roman Venus because of Her connections to sexuality. Tlazoltetol not only encompasses illicit love, overindulgence, and dissolute behavior but also is the pardoner for those who engage in Her excesses.

Tlazolteotl is considered a lunar and agrarian Goddess. She is identified with the trecena [2] of the ritual calendar that begins with the day Ce Ollin, or First Movement. She is associated with the day sign of the jaguar. She was honored by the peoples of eastern coastal Mexico, the Huastecs, Mixtecs, and Olmecs, as well as the Aztecs of central Mexico. She was known by various names, including Tlazolteotl-Ixcuina and Tlazolteotl-Tlaelquani, indicative of Her many aspects.


Detail, page 39 of the Codex Borgia, courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.

Fertile and Generative Black
Tlazolteotl-Ixcuina originated in the rich fertile areas of the Huastec peoples in the lands bordering the Gulf of Mexico in the modern states of Hidalgo, Veracruz, San Luis Potosí and Tamaulipas. The Huastec region is a rich fertile area, especially known as a cotton growing region, with a long history of trading with Central Mexico. In a statue from post-Classic Huastec, Tlazolteotl-Ixcuina wears a conical hat indigenous to this region. On page 39 of the Codex Borgia [3], a ring of Cihuateteo (women who died in childbirth and were deified) dance around two figures. The Cihuateteo wear the typical red and black skirts and huipils of Tlazolteotl, adorned with crescent moons. The shells on their skirts, as well as the typical Huastec crescent moon nose ornament, connect them with the lunar cycles. Though the moon was considered the purview of a male deity, the cycles, the regenerative aspect, and the motion were female.

A number of Tlazolteotl figurines were part of an offering burial in honor of the Cihuateteo. These figurines show Tlazolteotl in Her aspect as midwife. In each hand She holds the bands used in traditional postpartum binding practice.[4] Though more obvious on these figurines in person than in photo, Her mouth is painted black.

In fact, Tlazolteotl’s most distinctive feature is the black on Her mouth and chin. The Olmecs used bitumen, a black viscous material, as paint for decoration on everything from pottery to the human body. Bitumen was chewed publicly only by girls and unmarried women (McCafferty 33)[5].

Bitumen (also called tar or asphalt) is the byproduct of decomposed organic materials. Could there possibly be a more apt decoration for Tlazolteotl than a paint made of deep, black, decomposed material associated with the burgeoning sexuality of young women? The black around Her mouth is linked with Her role as an “eater of sins,” as the “eater of filth,” but here the sin and filth are transformed into symbols of the dark erotic genesis of life.

Spinning, Weaving, and Sex
In her name Tlazolteotl-Ixcuina, the Ixcuina is from the Huastec for “Goddess of Cotton” (Sullivan 12). Her headdress usually includes two spindles of unspun cotton, which connect Her to weaving and to the rich cotton-growing region of the Huastec.


Tlazolteotl riding a broom.
Drawing © 2009 Sage Starwalker Collins, after the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer (circa 1400-1521), World Museum Liverpool (England).

In Mesoamerica, woven cotton textiles were used as a medium of exchange, and women were the principle weavers, bringing money and prestige to the household through their weaving. A spindle full of thread is also called a mazorca, the word for a full ear of corn, as they are similar in form. The strands of cotton that hang from the spindles in Her headdress mimic the tassel on the ear of corn. The life-cycle of corn parallels the cycle of spinning, from waxing to waning, and both parallel the human life cycle (Sullivan 28-29). Cotton had other connections to the female cycle, as the bark of the cotton plant was used for uterine contractions and to induce menstruation (Sullivan 19).

The act of weaving also had sexual connotations, as we see in this Nahuatl riddle: “What is it that they make pregnant, that they make big with child in the dancing place? The answer is ‘The spindles,’ and the dancing place is the bowl where the spindles are set” (Sullivan 14). Spinning and weaving were tied to women’s lives in metaphoric and concrete ways.[6]

Tlazoteotl-Ixcuina is associated with a four-part sisterhood: First Born, Younger Sister, Middle Sister, and Youngest Sister, each of which is named Tlazolteotl. This quadripartite representation may have lunar aspects, as the four phases of the moon (Baéz-Jorge 100). These sisters were the goddesses of carnality or lust, and the cleric Sahagún writes that “their names signified that all women have an aptitude for carnal acts” (36). I interpret this as an illustration of the female capacity, throughout her life, to embody the sacred cycle of generation, death, and regeneration. And certainly lust, the drive for connection and regeneration, is seated deeply in the female purview, and here most obviously connected to lunar cycles.

Purification and Pardoning
As Tlazolteotl-Tlaelquani, she is the “Eater of Excrement”, the pardoner of sins. Sahagún writes that the old or terminally ill would seek Her because this absolution could only be given once in a lifetime. Her clergy would not only hear confessions and grant absolution but would also find those, especially adulterers, who did not confess and bring them to public punishment. Tlazolteotl was invoked at a new birth, to cleanse a baby of her parents’ transgressions.

From the Tonalamatl de los Pochtecas comes a lovely image of Tlazolteotl. She is nude, wearing an elaborate headdress, and riding a broom. Her headdress includes the usual spools of unspun cotton, as well as a shell, showing her ties with the lunar cycles. She is drawn with a wrinkled paunch, symbolic of a woman who has given birth. She holds a red snake, symbol of the fertility of menstrual flow (Baéz-Jorge 100) The broom is a reference to the Aztec purification festival of Ochpaniztli, which honored the female deities, including Tlazolteotl.

As Tlazolteotl-Tlaelquani, She was the Goddess of the black, fertile earth, the rotting earth, the fecund earth that gains its energy from death, and in turn feeds life. Associated with purification, expiation, and regeneration, She turns all garbage, physical and meta-physical, into rich life.


Detail, page 13 of the Codex Borbonicus, courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.

Embodying the cycle
Tlazolteotl, Goddess of Cotton, Goddess of Filth, Eater of Excrement. She is the regenerative power of the earth, the midwife, and the pardoner. One of the most provocative renditions of Tlazolteotl is from the Codex Borbonicus. She squats in the birth-giving position, wearing the conical Huastec hat with tassels, similar to the tassels on new corn. She wears black and red, decorated with crescent moons which, to my eye, mimic the shape of a vulva.

This drawing shows Tlazolteotl conceiving a child (see the child coming from above and to the right, footprints leading to the place of conception, the head), and She births a child who wears a headdress, earrings, and necklace just like her mother. While embodying this cycle of life, Tlazolteotl wears the flayed skin of the sacrificial victim (the dimpled skin always signifies this, but it is very obvious here with the extra hands hanging below), a symbol of death feeding life.

Tlazoteotl is associated with the trecena beginning with Ce Ollin, 1 Movement. The glyph for ollinshows the combining of two elements to form movement, symbolizing the active principle. The symbol for ollin is here as well in the two snakes to the right — one fleshed and the other discarnate. The two, intertwined, convey in vivid detail the interdependence of death and life.

In this image, She is the cycle of death and life, of death feeding life, of life cycling to death. The twinned snakes encapsulate ollin, the movement of life. Tlazolteotl is the provoker and the pardoner, the active female principle in the continual cycle of death and life.

Notes

  1. All translations from the Spanish are my own.
  2. A trecena is a 13-day period of time in the ritual calendar (the Tonálpohualli). The entire 260-day ritual calendar cycle consists of 20 “months” of 13 days each. The name trecena comes from trece, which is Spanish for thirteen.
  3. The Mesoamericans recorded their history and lore in a pictographic/logographic language drawn on long strips of paper referred to as “codices” (sing. codex). The paper, often made from deer hide, bark, or reeds, was whitewashed, allowing the full color of the graphics to be shown. The codices were often written on both sides of a long strip, and then folded accordion-style. The name of a codex often refers to its present location or owner. For example, the Codex Borgia was owned by Cardinal Borgia; it presently resides in the Vatican.
  4. “Massage and binding is a traditional postpartum ritual practiced by the Maya women in the Yucatan…. In the final stage of the massage process, another female relative (usually the mother-in-law) helps the midwife by laying the binder over the abdomen and passing the ends to each other under the small of her back. The binder is cinched around the pelvis as tightly as the woman can stand it.” Fuller, Nancy and Brigitte Jordan. “Maya Women and the End of the Birthing Period: Postpartum Massage-and-Binding in Yucatan, Mexico”. Medical Anthropology, 5(1): 35-50, 1981
  5. Bitumen was chewed by men only in private. Men publicly chewing bitumen were considered homosexuals.
  6. See McCafferty and McCafferty for a full examination of women and weaving.

Bibliography

  • Báez-Jorge, F. (1988). Los oficios de las diosas [The stations of the goddesses]. Xalapa, Universidad Veracruzana.
  • Fernandez, A. (1999). Dioses Prehispanicos de Mexico. Mexico City, Panorama Editorial.
  • Klein, C. “Teocuitlatl, ‘Divine Excrement’: The Significance of ‘Holy Shit’ in Ancient Mexico. Art Journal, Vol. 52, No. 3, Scatological Art (Autumn, 1993), pp. 20-27.
  • McCafferty, S.D. and G. G. McCafferty (1991). “Spinning and Weaving as Female Gender Identity in Post-Classic Mexico.” In Textile Traditions of Mesoamerica and the Andes: An Anthology, edited by M. Schevill, J.C. Berlo, and el. Dwyer, pp. 19-44. Garland, New York.
  • Sahagún, B. (1999). Historia general de las cosas de nueva España [General history of things of New Spain] (A. M. Garibay K., Trans.). Mexico City, Editorial Porrúa. (Original work published 1829).
  • Sullivan, T. “Tlazolteotl-Ixcuina: The Great Spinner and Weaver”. The Art and Iconography of late post-Classic Mexico, Ed. Elizabeth Hill Boone. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington DC. pp. 7-37.

Graphics Credits

  • Tlazolteotl, photo © 2007 Anne Key. All rights reserved.
  • detail, page 39 of the Codex Borgia, courtesy of wikimedia commons.
  • Tlazolteotl riding a broom, drawing © 2009 Sage Starwalker Collins, after the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer (circa 1400-1521), World Museum Liverpool (England). All rights reserved.
  • detail, page 13 of the Codex Borbonicus, courtesy of wikimedia commons.

Chicomecóatl: Goddess of Sustenance

Author: Anne Key, PhD
Imbolc 2009, Vol 8-2
From the Archives of MatriFocus
A Cross-Quarterly Web Magazine for Goddess Women Near & Far
Discover More: “ASWM Presents MatriFocus


Chicomecóatl, Museum of Anthropology, Xalapa, Veracruz
Photo © 2001 Anne Key

For some Mesoamerican cultures, Chicomecóatl was one of the most important agrarian goddesses.[1] She is considered one of the oldest deities and is counted as one of several maize divinities, though Her reach was much farther. She is the Goddess of all nourishment, seen as the protector of all food and drink. She is credited with being the first to make tortillas and other delicious and exquisite dishes and stews. At the time of the conquest, She was honored with temples in Central Mexico.[2]

Her name means “Seven Snake,” and she is also called, “Seven Ears of Maize.”[3]Typically She is shown with a headdress called an amacalli, a paper house; Her priestesses also wore these headdresses. She is often depicted carrying ears of corn. Her face, body, clothes, and sandals are ochre-colored, possibly as a reminder of the blood sacrifice that is the genesis of life in the Mesoamerican creation stories. She wears a necklace of green stone, probably jade. This, along with the waterflowers often painted on her huipil[4] link her to Tláloc, the rain deity, as well as Chalchihuitlicue, the Goddess of terrestrial waters. Chicomecóatl wears bells and rattles on her legs, no doubt to evoke the rain, the rattle of the snake, and the joy of dance in celebration of the fecundity of the earth.

In Her iconography, Chicomecóatl is often shown with maize tassels. These tassels, which form on the top of the ear of maize, are likened to human hair. The Mayan carving commonly referred to as “The Foliated Cross” from Palenque clearly shows the relationship between human and maize — the ears of maize are human heads, and the maize tassels are human hair.

Her name, a combination of the number seven (chicome) and snake (coatl)resonates on numerous levels. For the Mesoamericans, snakes were multivalent symbols, unifying many interrelated pieces. In rituals, snakes symbolized the life-force intrinsic in the foods and other gifts offered to deities. Snakes formed the connection between the material and the spiritual realms.

Snakes are associated with Goddesses who present an offering or libation. Chicomecóatl holds a cup in her right hand, expressing her connections to water and rain. In her left hand, she carries a shield with a painted sun, honoring the life-giving properties of the sun. With these accoutrements, She expresses the connection between earthly and feminine fecundity.

Snakes also signify regeneration; they are an image of the synthesis of the generative power of the cosmos.[5] On an even more practical, agrarian level, snakes predate upon many of the small animals that eat seeds and grain stores. This may be connected to Chicomecóatl in Her guise as the guardian of foodstuffs.

The number seven carries significance as well, especially in its connection to the lunar cycle. There are 28 (the product of 7×4) days in each lunar cycle. The lunar cycle is connected both to the gestation cycle[6] and to the ritual/divinatory calendar, the Tonálpohualli, which consists of 280 (the product of 28×10) days. The calendar date named chicomecóatl, or seven-snake, occurs on the seventh day of the seventh trecena[7] of the Tonálpohualli. These various intertwinings of Her name link and re-link Her to fecundity.


Chicomecóatl, on the Lápida de Aparicio, Museum of Anthropology, Xalapa, Veracruz
Photo © 2001 Anne Key

One of the most interesting depictions of Chicomecóatl is on the Lápida de Aparicio, a carved stone found in Aparicio, Veracruz, dating from the Classic Era (2500-900 BCE). In the carving, we can see a ball-player in full gear, including the yugo[8] around the waist. From the player’s neck spring seven snakes in place of the head. There are numerous interpretations of this piece. It may represent a sacrificed ball-player, graphically linking the sacrifice of life with the continued fecundity of the earth. The carving may also represent Chicomecóatl Herself, as both Goddess and ball player, participating in a grand ritual game of fertility.

Across Mesoamerica, ball courts are found within ceremonial centers. These courts hosted ball games that held sacred significance. The ball game resembled soccer; however, players were only allowed to use their hips or thighs and upper arms to control the ball. A number of feminine figures representing ball-players have been found in the Veracruz area. At many of the ball courts, commemorative stelae show female personages.

The ball game began with the earliest of the Mesoamericans, the Olmecs, “the people of rubber country,” as the Aztecs named them. Rubber was considered a sacred substance, made from the the “blood” (sap) of the rubber tree, and the great ball games throughout Mesoamerica were played with rubber balls. Rubber was also taken medicinally, to treat various ailments. It was frequently used in ritual adoration; traces are found around the mouths of the statues of the Goddess Tlazolteotl, and bits were used for pegging paper offerings and copal to deity statues. Though the specifics of the ball game remain hypothetical, it is certain that the game was connected to fecundity, regeneration, and the continuance of life itself. Chicomecóatl is a corporeal manifestation of these themes.

Chicomecóatl was venerated especially during the festival called Huei Tozoztli, held during the fourth month[9] (in today’s calendar, mid-April to May). This festival was one of the 18 agrarian festivals[10] celebrated annually, pegged to the 365-day solar/agrarian calendar called the Xiuhpohualli.[11] This was the time of year when the maize stalks began breaking the surface of the earth. Aptly named, the festival Huei Tozoztli is also called “the great perforation.” For the Mesoamericans, this was a time of both growth and sacrifice, for maize was one of their primary foods for sustenance.

Chicomecóatl is the embodiment of maize even in Her name, Seven Snake: the number seven is synonymous with “seeds,” and the snake, among other things, protects grain stores from vermin. Exemplifying the Mesoamerican concept of the reciprocal relationship of humans and deities is the reciprocal relationship of humans to maize. Maize was domesticated, by either accident or intent, thousands of years BCE.[12]

Wild maize has not only a tiny cob but also a thin husk over small hard kernels; in contrast, domesticated maize has thick husks that protect the large, plump, and juicy kernels, excellent for human consumption. However, the thick husks hinder self-seeding, as they must disintegrate for the maize seeds to be released. As well, the domesticated maize plant is not adapted for self-propagation because the tassel, the male part, is placed much higher than the cob, the female part.

Therefore, domesticated maize either needs to grow in a field dense with maize or rely on human pollination. It will not thrive if sparsely populated in the wild. The Mesoamericans well understood the role of humans in this cycle; they were responsible for the plants’ survival, and they depended on the plants for their own survival. For Mesoamericans, reciprocity was a central tenet of both agricultural and religious practice.

During the festival of Huei Tozoztli, home altars were decorated with maize plants, and in temples its seeds were blessed. Bulrushes were piled beside the deity statues, their white stems bloodied with self-sacrificial offerings. A culminating part of the festival was the procession of the maize. Flanked by elder priestesses,[13] the young priestesses each carried seven ears of rubber-anointed maize from last year’s crop, to be presented at the temple of Chicomecóatl. As the procession wound through the streets, everyone was silent.

As a prescribed part of the ritual, some of the young men broke the silence with noisy chatter. In answer to them, the elder priestesses severely lambasted them, saying: “And you, coward, think about this great heroic deed. You, still with your tassel[14] a youth …you have nothing to say here, for every woman is like I am.”[15] The young men answered the elder priestesses respectfully, giving honor to their lineage and begging their patience, as they were only youth. This exchange may have been part of a complex series of rites of adulthood rituals for the young men, in which the elder priestesses played an important role. After the exchange of repartee, the procession continued to the temple for the rituals.


Chicomecóatl, from The Codex Maglabecchiano, 15th century.
Photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.

All of the deities honored at this festival were presented daily with flowers and different offerings, including toasted maize, tamales, quail, candles and copal.[16] After being offered to Chicomecóatl, the food was shared and eaten. The seeds from the young priestesses’ ears of maize were taken out to sow the next year.

Elder priestesses were featured in rites of fertility. Because they had completed their obligations as agents of fecundity on earth, post-menopausal women were considered to be “donors,” committing their life-giving energies to the deities. De la Garza notes a similarity between the function of the elder priestesses and the snake, as links between the material and spiritual worlds, transferring the life-energy of the offerings: “And like the reptile (i.e. the snake), the vital energy of the sacrificial blood coils at the heads of these ancient women (or elder priestesses) giving the offerings” (318).

The festival of Huei Tozoztli was also called “the great awakening,” as Chicomecóatl was awakened from Her winter sleep. One of Her praise-songs for this festival speaks to this:

Seven Maize Ears, rise up;
Wake up! You are our mother.
Do not make us orphans.
You are already on your way to your house in Tlalocan.[17]

After the ceremonies, much dancing ensued, welcoming the new shoots and the newly awakened Chicomecóatl, Seven Snake, the Goddess of all Sustenance.[18]

Notes

  1. All translations from the Spanish are mine.
  2. “Sister Stories”. 30 January 2009. Accessed 2009. Link no longer active: http://www.nyupress.org/sisterstories/landofwomen/chicomecoatl.html
  3. Chicomolotzin is the Nahuatl word for Seven Ears of Maize.
  4. A huipil is a typical top worn by Mesoamerican women, often embroidered and sometimes triangular.
  5. See de la Garza pg. 268-269.
  6. It has been suggested that this 280-day ritual cycle follows the human gestation period from the first sign of life to birth (covering 9 lunations) and is intricately associated with female cycles and lunar cycles. See Tate for further information.
  7. A trecena is a period of time in the Tonálpohualli, which consists of 20 “months” of 13 days each. The name comes from “Trece,” which is Spanish for thirteen.
  8. A yugo is a piece of ball-playing equipment. It is U-shaped and worn around the waist, presumably to help hit the ball.
  9. The solar/agrarian calendar was composed of eighteen 20-day months called veintenas with a festival at each month.
  10. This solar calendar of 18 months of 20 days (18×20=360) also had a five-day period added at the end to complete the solar year.
  11. Xiuhpohualli literally means: year (xiuhitl) count (pohualli).
  12. For a thorough and thought-provoking discussion on the history of maize, see Coe.
  13. The literal translation is “ancient women,” meaning elderly women. As they are obviously leading a ritual, I call them by the title “priestesses.” The term “ancient” most likely means that these women were post-menopausal.
  14. This is a reference to the tassel on the top of young corn, emphasizing their youth.
  15. See Sahagún, pg. 106. The description I give of the ritual is not an exact translation but rather a shortened interpretation.
  16. Copal is often an offering for Tláloc, the rain God. When it burns, the copal produces copious smoke, mimicking rain clouds.
  17. See Báez Jorge, pg. 118. Tlalocan is the paradise of Tláloc, the rain deity. Chicomecóatl is often paired with him in ritual and veneration.
  18. This reminds me of the modern Beltane celebrations.

Bibliography

  • Báez-Jorge, F. (1988). Los oficios de las diosas [The offices of the goddesses]. Xalapa, Mexico: Universidad Veracruzana.
  • Coe, M. D. (1997). Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs. New York: Thames and Hudson
  • Garza, M. de la. (1998). El universo sagrado de la serpiente entre los Mayas [The sacred universe of the serpent according to the Mayas]. Mexico City, Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México.
  • Sahagún, B. (1999). Historia general de las cosas de nueva España [General history of things of New Spain] (A. M. Garibay K., Trans.). Mexico City, Mexico: Editorial Porrúa. (Original work published 1829; written in the 16th century)
  • Tate, Carolyn. “Writing on the Face of the Moon”. Manifesting Power: Gender and the Interpretation of Power. Ed. Tracy Sweely. New York: Routledge, 1999. 81-102.

Graphics Credits

  • Chicomecóatl, Museum of Anthropology, Xalapa, Veracruz. Photo © 2001 Anne Key. All rights reserved.
  • Chicomecóatl, Museum of Anthropology, Xalapa, Veracruz. Photo © 2001 Anne Key. All rights reserved.
  • Chicomecóatl, from The Codex Maglabecchiano, 15th century . Photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.