List of Articles, Johanna Stuckey

Author: Johanna Stuckey, PhD
From the Archives of MatriFocus
A Cross-Quarterly Web Magazine for Goddess Women Near & Far

photo of scholar Johanna Stuckey

Preeminent scholar of Women’s Spirituality, Johanna H. Stuckey, published 24 articles in MatriFocus from 2003-2009.

Johanna H. Stuckey Biography

Archived Articles, MatriFocus
Topics: Goddesses of the Ancient Near East
Mesopotamia
The Levant
Miscellaneous

Mesopotamia

Inanna, Goddess of Infinite Variety
Samhain 2004, Vol 4-1
“The great American scholar of Sumer and things Sumerian, Samuel Noah Kramer, described Inanna as ‘…the ambitious, aggressive and demanding goddess of love …’. In historic times, she certainly was goddess of love and sexuality, but she also held and could bestow the mes, the attributes of civilization Thus, she ruled over many areas of culture. According to Thorkild Jacobsen, these included ‘the storehouse’, ‘the rains’, ‘war’, ‘Morning and Evening Stars’, and what he calls ‘harlotry,’ prostitution.”

Inanna and the Sacred Marriage
Imbolc 2005, Vol 4-2
“A man could achieve authority in Inanna’s temple community at Uruk as either her “trusted servant” or her consort or both. Indeed, traditionally, the ruler of Uruk and its goddess co-habited in the gipar. The ‘Sacred Marriage,’which at first conferred authority temporarily on one man, eventually provided religious sanction for male exercise of power.”

Inanna’s Descent to the Underworld
Beltane 2005, Vol 4-3
“As I interpret it, ‘The Descent of Inanna’ is a possible patriarchalization of a pre-patriarchal story of a deity connected with fertility who disappears and returns, a story that affirms the cyclicity of the round of life and death. Farming cultures understand the cycle and accept it. Beginning her descent, Inanna anticipated problems; maybe she suspected that things had changed. One of the main changes, I suggest, was that Ereshkigal, probably originally Inanna’s underworld aspect, had now taken on a personality of her own. And she was not particularly welcoming to her counterpart from the great above.”

“Inanna and the Huluppu Tree”: One Way of Demoting a Great Goddess
Lammas 2005, Vol 4-4
“As a result of her control of fecundity and her centrality in the ‘Sacred Marriage,’Inanna kept her high standing among the Sumerian deities even as society increased in male-dominance). The poem ‘Inanna and the Huluppu Tree’gives a mythic explanation of how the throne and the bed used in the ‘Sacred Marriage’came into existence and, in the process, records a drastic demotion in Inanna’s status.”

“Sacred Prostitutes”
Samhain 2005, Vol 5-1
“‘Tragically,’ says one contemporary scholar, ‘scholarship suffered from scholars being unable to imagine any cultic role for women in antiquity that did not involve sexual intercourse. However, recent scholars are fast setting the record straight. Even if ancient priestesses were involved in ritual sex, even if they received offerings for their temples, they were not prostitutes but devotees worshipping their deity’.”

“Going to the Dogs”: Healing Goddesses of Mesopotamia
Imbolc 2006, Vol 5-2
“The alter ego of healing goddesses was the dog. In iconography, such goddesses and dogs go together, and the dog alone can represent them. Why these goddesses were associated with dogs is unclear. Perhaps the ancients noted that dogs’ licking of their wounds promoted healing. Possibly, as some have suggested, dog saliva contains medicinal elements.”

Nin-kasi: Mesopotamian Goddess of Beer
Samhain 2006, Vol 6-1
“Well-known and worshipped by ordinary people, Nin-kasi was also venerated officially, not only at Nippur but also at the great city of Ur and other cities. Libations of beer, her sacred substance and herself, were poured out to the gods, and jars of beer were placed before their altars for them to drink. Beer was certainly used by prophets at the northern Mesopotamian city of Mari, now in Syria, to trigger states of ecstasy in which they would prophesy.”

Goddess, Whore, or Both? Kilili, the “Woman at the Window”
Imbolc 2007, Vol 6-2
“Was the beautiful, enigmatic “Woman at the Window” a goddess, a prostitute, or both?”

Nin-shata-pada, Scribe and Poet, Princess and Priestess
Samhain 2007, Vol 7-1
“To be a scribe was to be the cream of the cream. Few men, and even fewer women, achieved that height. A person needed both the connections to get admitted to a scribal school and determination to survive long, hard, and expensive years of rigorous training. Despite her elite status, Nin-shata-pada still had to overcome the limitations imposed on her sex.”

Shaushka and ‘Ain Dara: A Goddess and Her Temple
Imbolc 2008, Vol 7-2
“Curiosity about a wonderful ancient temple and its deity led me to discover a goddess entirely new to me: the “Queen of Nineveh” Shaushka. Such are the excitement and reward of goddess research!”

Ancient Grain Goddesses of the Eastern Mediterranean
Lammas 2008, Vol 7-4
“Surprisingly, the great Sumerian goddess Nissaba, whose name was used in written material to denote “grain,” was the much-valued scribe of the gods. She was the goddess of writing, accounting, and surveying and, more important, patron of scribes and scribal wisdom.”

Spirit Possession and the Goddess Ishtar in Ancient Mesopotamia
Samhain 2008, Vol 8-1
“In ancient Mesopotamia, attested examples of possession normally involved oracles or prophesies by religious functionaries — many of them women, many devotees of Inanna’s Semitic counterpart, Ishtar.”

Atargatis, the “Syrian Goddess” (Canaan)
Beltane 2009, Vol 8-3
“In his account of the Syrian cult center Hieropolis, Greek writer Lucian called its goddess “Hera.” However, he added that the natives gave her (and her consort) “another name”. That was almost certainly a form of Atargatis, life-giving divinity associated with rivers and springs, motherly protector of humans and animals. Atargatis often served as tutelary or protector deity of urban centers — the providence or luck of the place (Semitic Gad, Greek Tyche, Latin Fortuna). Especially on coins, she often wore the “mural crown” with battlements (crenellations) as representation of the town she cared for.”

The Levant (More coming Soon!)

(Note: Only underlined titles are currently LIVE links)

Anat, Warrior Virgin of the Ancient Levant (Canaan)
Samhain 2003, Vol 3-1
“Young and impetuous Anat was one of the great goddesses of the ancient Levant, the area now occupied by Israel, Transjordan, and Syria. In mythic poems from the ancient city of Ugarit on the coast of Syria, she had a very active role, but the other important source for the polytheistic religion of the area, the Hebrew Bible, almost ignores her. Anat may once have been worshipped throughout the Levant, although she was probably more important in the north than in the south. However, by the Late Bronze Age (1550-1200 BCE), to judge from Ugarit, her cult seems to have begun to die out even in the north, as her attributes and functions were slowly taken over by other great goddesses.”

Astarte Goddess of Fertility, Beauty, War, and Love (Canaan)
Imbolc 2004, Vol 3-2
“Known in the ancient Levant as Ashtart and in the Hebrew Bible as Ashtereth, the beautiful Astarte may owe many of her characteristics to Mesopotamian Ishtar, as the similarity in their names proclaims. Like Ishtar, Astarte seems to have had strong connections with both war and love/sexuality. In historical times, she received offerings in ancient Ugarit in Syria; her name appears forty-six times in texts from that city. One of her main centers was Byblos, where she was identified with Egyptian goddesses Hathor and Isis. In the second millennium BCE, Astarte was, like Anat, a war goddess of the Egyptians. Large numbers of ancient Israelites revered her, and versions of her name occur at least nine times in the Hebrew Bible. She was also an important deity of the Phoenician towns of Tyre and Sidon, whence she and her veneration spread with Phoenician merchants throughout the Mediterranean.

Asherah, Supreme Goddess of the Ancient Levant (Canaan)
Beltane 2004, Vol 3-3
“Thus, it seems that, in the Bronze Age Levant, tree was all but synonymous with goddess. Not only do pendants depict goddesses with trees growing up from their vulvic triangles and seals and other artifacts show trees, complete with browsing animals, next to goddesses, but one of the most beautiful objects from Ugarit presents a goddess as a tree. On a fragment of a carved ivory lid of a small box, a goddess takes the position normally held by the sacred tree and feeds goat-like animals that lean forward and upward to take the vegetation out of her hands.”

Asherah and the God of the Early Israelites (Canaan)
Lammas 2004, Vol 3-4
“Unquestionably, ‘the asherahs’ were usually wooden; they stood upright, often beside altars, along with stone pillars. However, in at least eight instances, they are described as carved. Thus, far from being merely wooden ‘cult poles,’ they were probably quite large carved images. As was the case with cult statues in other areas of the Eastern Mediterranean, ‘the asherahs’ almost certainly would have been ‘animated’ ritually. Thus they did not just represent the goddess, but actually were worshipped as Asherah herself. Further, according to the Bible, a statue of Asherah stood in the Solomonic temple in Jerusalem for about two-thirds of its existence. Asherah ‘must, then, have been a legitimate part of the cult of Yahweh’.”

A Canaanite Goddess Shrine at Nahariyya in Israel (Canaan)
Beltane 2006, Vol 5-3
“Whoever she was — and I myself tend to think she was Asherah – her shrine presents us with information on the practices of ancient goddess worship in the Bronze Age in the land of Canaan.”

The “Holy One” (Canaan)
Lammas 2007, Vol 6-4
“A number of Egyptian relief plaques from this period depict a fully frontally nude goddess usually standing on a lion and sometimes posed between the Canaanite warrior god Reshep(h), an Underworld deity, and the Egyptian fertility god, ithyphallic Min. The Egyptians called her Qedeshet or Qudshu.”

Sacred Repositories and Goddess Figurines (Israel)
Beltane 2008, Vol 7-3
“What seems quite certain is that female pillar figurines “are missing, or extremely rare,” in the few public buildings from the period which can be clearly identified as sacred, that is, belonging to the official religion (Kletter 1996: 62). The conclusion must be that the little statues were worshiped in domestic contexts, that is, in folk or popular religion. Perhaps, then, the sites where we find the pillar figurines functioned for ordinary folk as their sacred repositories.”

Miscellaneous (Coming Soon!)

Of Omegas and Rhombs: Goddess Symbols in Ancient Mesopotamia and the Levant (Mesopotamia, the Levant)
Lammas 2006, Vol 5-4
“Ancient Mesopotamia boasted many goddesses whose main, but not only function was birthing. They were regularly identified with each other. Dingir-Makh “Exalted Deity” was the Sumerian birth goddess par excellence. Other Sumerian birth goddesses included Nin-khursag “Lady of the Mountainous Areas,” Nin-makh “Exalted Lady,” Nin-tu “Lady of Birth,” Nin-mena “Lady of the Crown,” and Nin-sikila “Pure Lady.” Dingir-makh’s Babylonian equivalent was Belet-ili “Lady of the Gods.” The name of Erua, also a Babylonian birth goddess, possibly originated from the Semitic Akkadian word eru “to be pregnant.” The Assyrians adopted Erua as Sheru’a. Sumerians addressed the birth goddess as Ama, while Babylonians called her Mama, ‘Mother’.”
Goddesses and Demons: Some Thoughts (Bali, Mesopotamia, the Levant)
Beltane 2007, Vol 6-3
“When I was a tourist in Bali some years ago, I met Rangda for the first time and have been fascinated with her ever since. All eyes focused on Rangda as she emerged from the inner part of the temple about a third of the way through the Barong dance, an exciting Balinese ritual drama. The dance I attended at a village temple was shortened for tourists, but that did not change Rangda’s charisma. There was no doubt that she was power: electrifying, dangerous, and otherworldly.”

The Goddess Meenakshi and Her Temple at Madurai (India)
Imbolc 2009, Vol 8-2
“Early in the morning, from my seat in our tour bus, I saw the edge of the first huge tower (gopuram) of the great Meenakshi temple and realized that one of my long-time ambitions was about to be satisfied: I was soon going to walk through a functioning goddess temple!”

Tanit of Carthage (North Africa, Phoenicia)
Lammas 2009, Vol 8-4
“The details of Tanit’s nature and powers are not really clear. Like Astarte, she had a complex personality. First and foremost, she was the mother deity of Carthage, protector of the city and provider of fertility. As such she seems to have been a deity of good fortune. Goddess of the heavens, she was often associated with the moon. Like Asherah, she had maritime connections and was a patron of sailors. There is also some indication that she had a warlike nature, as we would expect of the protector of a city.”

Atargatis, the “Syrian Goddess”

Author: Johanna Stuckey, PhD
From the Archives of MatriFocus
A Cross-Quarterly Web Magazine for Goddess Women Near & Far
Beltane 2009 Vol 8-3


Goddess wearing an impressive mural crown and flanked by doves, probably Artargatis identified with Aphrodite/Venus. Relief from the temple of Adonis at Duro-Europos. Dated to around the 1st century BCE. (Bilde attributes it to Khirbet Et-Tannur.)
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Bilde 1990: 175, fig. 7.

In one hand she holds a scepter, in the other a spindle. On her head she bears rays and a tower and she wears a girdle…. On the surface of the statue is an overlay of gold and very costly gems, some of which are white, some the color of water, many have the hue of wine and many are fiery.
(Lucian, The Syrian Goddess. Attridge and Oden 1976: 43, 45)


Edessa, Palmyra, Hieropolis (modern Membij and Greek Bambyce), and .
Drawing © S. Beaulieu.

In his account of the Syrian cult center Hieropolis, Greek writer Lucian called its goddess “Hera.” However, he added that the natives gave her (and her consort) “another name” (Attridge and Oden 1976: 43). That was almost certainly a form of Atargatis, life-giving divinity associated with rivers and springs, motherly protector of humans and animals. Atargatis often served as tutelary or protector deity of urban centers — the providence or luck of the place (Semitic Gad, Greek Tyche, Latin Fortuna). Especially on coins, she often wore the “mural crown” with battlements (crenellations) as representation of the town she cared for (Bilde 1990: 159). For example, she was Gad or Tyche of both Edessa and Palmyra.


Mural-crowned and veiled goddess as Tyche framed in a zodiac with crescent and scepter (or torch?) and carried by a winged Victory. Probably Atargatis. Limestone relief from the Nabataean temple at Khirbet Et-Tannur in Transjordan. Original in two pieces. Dated to the end of the 1st century BCE / beginning of the 1st century CE.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Godwin 1981: 113. See also Binst 2000: 180.

Her epithets included “Pure,” “Virgin,” “Savior,” and “Mother of the Gods” (Lightfoot 2003: 82: Bilde 1990: 162), and her iconography connected her particularly to Cybele, the Great Mother. Like her, Atargatis was often depicted riding or accompanied by a lion. Often she sat on a throne flanked by two sphinxes or two lions. Her headdress was usually topped by a crescent moon and draped with a veil. In her hands she carried various objects: a plate or cup, a scepter or staff, and ears of grain, but most often she held a spindle and a mirror. Sometimes doves or fish were near or actually on her. In some places Atargatis was associated with dolphins. At other places, the eight-pointed star emphasized her association with the planet Venus (Drijvers1980: 31).


Bust of a fishy, watery goddess sculpted in high relief on a white limestone block. Framed by a scallop design. Goddess has wavy, water-like hair, huge fish-like eyes, and a veil topped by two fish. From the Nabataean temple at Khirbet Et-Tannur, Transjordan, and dated to the end of the 1st century BCE / beginning of the 1st century CE.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Binst 2000: 182. See also Bilde 1990: 169, fig. 3.

The earliest evidence of this goddess comes from the site of the ancient city Hieropolis — “Sacred City”  — which is the modern Membij and the Greek Bambyce (see map above). Her name and image appear on “a bewildering variety” of coins dating to the latter part of the 4th and the early part of the 3rd century BCE (Drijvers in Toorn, Becking, and Horst, 1999: 114). An Aramaic form of the name was ‘tr’th Ataratha, which the Greeks transformed into Atargatis and perhaps, in some places, shortened and altered to Derketo or Derceto (Lightfoot 2003: 37). Other spellings include Ataryatis, Attayathe, Ataryate, and Tar’atha. There is general scholarly consensus that the name derived from a combination of the names of the Canaanite goddesses Anat and Astarte (Drijvers in Toorn, Becking, and Horst 1999: 114), though some still think that the name also hides the third Canaanite goddess Asherah (Maier 1986: 67; Oden 1979: 58ff.). (See my articles on the Canaanite goddesses and goddess matters.)

A work about the goddess and her holy city, now bearing the Latin title De Dea Syria “About the Syrian Goddess,” dates to the 2nd century CE and is attributed to Lucian of Samosata (Attridge and Oden 1976; Meyer 1987: 130-141). Lucian wrote in Greek about, among other things, his visit to the great temple at Hieropolis, a walled sanctuary on a hill in the center of the city. As we saw, Lucian identified Atargatis with the Greek goddess Hera, but he also connected her to several other goddesses, for instance, Rhea (Cybele), Athena, Artemis, and Aphrodite. In addition, he saw her as having aspects of Nemesis and the Fates. Lucian described in considerable detail the shining magnificence of the temple, its numerous cult objects and statues, the multitude of its priests, and the various rituals celebrated there. Twice a day there were sacrifices, the ones to Hadad-Zeus being performed in silence. Those to the goddess were accompanied by flute playing and rattle shaking. In one rite, young men castrated themselves to become cross-dressing priests at the temple (Attridge and Oden 1976: 23, 37, 39, 55). The obligatory lake or pond lay nearby, full of sacred fish which no one was allowed to eat; nor could anyone eat Atargatis’s sacred doves.

In the temple, the goddess was supported by lions, and she held a scepter and a spindle. She wore on her head “rays and a tower” (Attridge and Oden 1976: 43). She was accompanied by a god sitting on bulls. Lucian identified him as Zeus, but remarked that the locals called him by another name. Very likely he was the Canaanite storm god Baal-Haddu (Syrian Hadad), the consort of Atargatis in the area.


Badly damaged sculpture showing Atargatis and her bearded consort Hadad. One of Hadad’s bulls survives at his left side. He holds a staff in his right hand and something unidentifiable in his left. She sits enthroned between her signature lions, holds what might be a spindle in her right hand, and probably originally had a scepter or staff in her left. A veil floats down from her layered hat, which is topped with a crescent. Roman.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after a photograph, source unknown.

To the north and east of Hieropolis was Edessa (modern Urfa), which, according to Christian legend, was the first ever kingdom to become Christian. However, well into the 5th century CE the city had a temple to Atargatis (as Venus star). Over and over again, the Christian bishop of the period had to forbid self-castration in honor of the goddess (Drijvers 1980: 77). A pool with sacred fish still exists at Urfa, though the carp are now dedicated to Ibrahim. At Edessa Atargatis was guardian of the city and especially of the springs near the citadel and the nearby river (Drijvers 1980: ix, 8, 79, 121).

She also had temples at Duro-Europos on the Euphrates and Palmyra (Tadmor), an oasis in the Syrian desert.

Dura-Europos was famous for having one of the oldest synagogues, almost complete and decked with frescoes. The city was a military post on the upper Euphrates, on the border between the Roman Empire and the troublesome Parthians (Drijvers 1980: 3). Atargatis shared her temple there with her consort Hadad. She might also have had a connection with the Adonis temple (Drijvers 1980: 23, 108).


Limestone carving found in the courtyard of the temple of Atargatis at Duro-Europos, still showing traces of paint. Dated 50 – 250 CE. Now at Yale University. The deities are seated on platforms between columns. The god is somewhat smaller than the goddess, indicating a decline in his status with respect to her. He carries what are probably thunderbolts and perhaps held a staff. His hat is tall, and he has snaky symbol on his shirt (see below). A bull supports him on his right. The goddess is flanked by lions, holds up her right hand in the blessing gesture, and likely held a scepter or staff in her left. She wears a high hat on wavy hair. What appears to be another bull peers over her left shoulder. Between the deities is a standard or symbol with a snaky design, possibly the sacred object Lucian described as “Sign” (Attridge and Oden 1976: 45)
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Binst 2000: 126. See also Bilde 1990: 167, fig. 2.


Anthropomorphic stone found in the Temple of the Winged Lions at Petra. Yellow sandstone. The hole at the top in the leafy frieze above the eyebrows probably held a sign of Isis. The eye sockets were originally set with precious stones. The Nabataean inscription reads: “Goddess of Hayyan, son of Nibat,” indicating that Hayyan dedicated the small stele. The decoration of the stone points to Isis, but the form of the votive is purely Nabataean. Isis was equated with Al-‘Uzza, probably the major goddess of Petra, and so was Atargatis. A similar but less ornate carving with a nearby inscription “Atargatis of Manbij” was found in the Siyyag Gorge at Petra. It has been dated to the end of the 1st century BCE – beginning of the 1st century CE. It is interesting that the commissioner of the Atargatis carving chose to depict the “foreign” goddess in a typical Nabataean way, with no clues to her identity except the nearby inscription. One explanation is that he was a Nabataean trader heading out for Syria and trying to enlist the support of the major goddess of Syria for his endeavor.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Binst 2000: 164.

Palmyra was also famous but for another reason: Zenobia. A warrior queen, she ruled and expanded the Palmyrene Empire after her husband’s death in 267 CE. Atargatis was considered Palmyra’s Tyche and identified with Artemis (Glueck 1937:370). She is known from two bilingual inscriptions, and her temple was probably one of four official “tribal sanctuaries” (Kaizer 2002: 153ff.). In addition, there is some evidence that at Palmyra she was equated with the ancient Arabian goddess Allat, whose iconography was very like that of Atargatis (Kaizer 2002: 99ff. 148 note 30; Drijvers 1980: 100).


Votive stele now in the Vatican Museum. The goddess Atargatis, named “Dea Syria” in the inscription, sits enthroned between two lions. In the right hand she holds a spindle, universal Eastern Mediterranean symbol of woman, and in her left a mirror, usually an attribute of Aphrodite/Venus. Over wavy hair her low hat is topped by a crescent and draped with a veil. This is almost an archetypal representation of the goddess as she was perceived in the West.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Bilde 1990: 173, fig. 6.

Further, Atargatis was worshiped in what is now Israel at Ashkalon, originally a Canaanite city, then Philistine, then Phoenician. It was the site of Artagatis’s main temple in the southern Levant. According to the Apocrypha, she also had an “Atargateion” near Qarnaim (II Maccabees 12: 26). At Ashkalon, where she was called Derketo, she seems to have appeared as half fish, a mermaid goddess. In De Dea Syria, Lucian reported that he saw a statue of a Phoenician goddess who was a mermaid; he confirmed that she was called Derketo (Attridge and Oden 1976: 21).

Atargatis was also recognized by the Nabataeans, though she was never one of their pantheon (Healey 2001: 140-141). Evidence suggests that the Nabataeans were originally nomadic herders from Arabia who, in Greco-Roman times, controlled the main trade routes between Arabia and Syria and grew rich on frankincense and myrrh. Their kingdom flourished in the Hellenistic period (323-64 B.C.E.) and became part of the Roman Empire in 106 CE (Taylor 2002: 8). On a hilltop at Khirbet Et-Tannur, north of Petra in southern Transjordan, sits a small, ruined, but “extraordinary” Nabataean temple dating to the first part of the 1st century CE. Its excavator thought it was dedicated to Atargatis and her consort, but not everyone agrees (Healey 2001: 61). Certainly the sculpture and other decorations of the ruins suggest that the goddess worshiped there was very like Atargatis. The sculptured reliefs include the head of a goddess with two fish on her crown, winged Tyche figures, a lion, goddess heads with fruits and leaves, and reliefs of a Hadad-like god (Glueck 1937).

At the renowned Nabataean capital Petra, Atargatis’s cult was not very important, but there is some evidence of the goddess’s presence there (Taylor 2002: 132; Lindner and Zangenberg 1993). She might have been identified with the Arabian goddess Al-`Uzza, the Venus star, who was the tutelary deity of Petra. Like her, Atargatis had a close association with springs and water. At Petra is a sanctuary that archaeologists named the Temple of the Winged Lions (Healey 2001: 42-44). It may have been dedicated to an Atargatis-like goddess (Hammond 1990).

In the West she was usually called Dea Syria, the “Syrian Goddess.” Atargatis reached Rome during the first Punic War (264-241 BCE). By the time of the Roman novelist Apuleius, around 150-160 CE, the goddess’s begging eunuch priests had become notorious. In his story The Golden Ass, he described how a disreputable band of wandering followers of the goddess acquired Lucius in his donkey form and used him to carry the silk-bedecked image of their “foreign” goddess (195-199). The goddess he praised as “omnipotent and omniparent [all-generating]” (195), while he dismissed the priests as “lewd and very naughty fellows” (196). In the novel Lucius was restored to human form by the great goddess Isis (261-272).

The variations in the iconography of Atargatis resulted from her being identified with so many local goddesses, as well as great goddesses such as the Egyptian Isis. A splendid Egyptianized statue of her, complete with encircling snake, stood on the Janiculum in Rome in the 3rd century CE (Godwin 1981: 158 Plate 124). From Hieropolis in northern Syria, then, the cult of Atargatis disseminated all through Syria, northern Mesopotamia, the Mediterranean area, and the western part of the Greco-Roman world, even to Britain (Lightfoot 2003: 59).


Roman statue, likely of Artargatis, the “Syrian Goddess.” As is obvious, the figure is very Egyptianized showing that the commissioner/carver was heavily influenced by images of Isis. The snake probably came from images of the lion-headed god Aion of Mithraism (See Godwin 1981: 108, plate 72, and 109, plate 74.) Found on the Janiculum Hill of Rome. Dated to the 3rd century CE.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Godwin 1981: 158, plate 124.

So that’s what happened to at least two of the Canaanite goddesses I wrote about in my first articles for MatriFocus almost six years ago (Anat, Astarte). They melded into Atargatis, a world-renowned deity. As to the third Canaanite goddess, we will find out more in the next issue of MatriFocus when I will be exploring the Carthaginian goddess Tanit and her background.

Bibliography

  • Apuleius. Lucius Apuleius 1965. The Golden Ass. Translated William Adlington (1566), ed. H.C. Schnur. New York: Collier
  • Attridge, Harold W. and Robert A. Oden, editors. 1976. The Syrian Goddess (De Dea Syria): Attributed to Lucian. Place unknown: Scholars Press/Society of Biblical Literature
  • Bilde, Per 1990. “Atargatis/Dea Syria: Hellenization of Her cult in the Hellenistic-Roman Period.” 151-187 in Religion and Religious Practice in the Seleucid Kingdom. Edited P.Bilde, T. Engberg-Pedersen, L. Hannestad, and J.Zahle. Aarhus, Denmark: Aarhus University
  • Binst, Olivier, editor 2000. The Levant; History and Archaeology in the Eastern Mediterranean. Cologne, Germany; Könemann
  • Godwin, Joscelyn. 1981. Mystery Religions of the Ancient World. San Francisco: Harper and Row
  • Hammond, Ph. 1990. “The Goddess of the `Temple of the Winged Lions’ at Petra (Jordan).” In Petra and the Caravan Cities. Edited by Fawzi Zayadine. Amman, Jordan: Department of Antiquities, Jordan
  • Healey, John F. 2001. The Religion of the Nabataeans: A Conspectus. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill
  • Lightfoot, J.L., editor and translator 2003. Lucian: On the Syrian Goddess. Oxford: Oxford University
  • Lindner, M. and J. Zangenberg 1993. “The Re-discovered Baityl of the Goddess Atargatis in the Siyyag Gorge of Petra (Jordan) and Its Significance for Religious Life in Nabataea.” Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 109: 141-151
  • Maier, Walter A., III 1986. ‘Ašerah: Extrabiblical Evidence. Atlanta, GA: Scholars. Harvard Semitic Monographs 37
  • Meyer, Marvin W., editor. 1987. The Ancient Mysteries. A Sourcebook: Sacred Texts of the Mystery Religions of the Ancient Mediterranean World. San Francisco: Harper and Row
  • Oden, R. A. 1979. Studies in Lucian’s De Syria Dea. Ann Arbor, MI: Edwards
  • Rostovtzeff, M. 1933. “Hadad and Atargatis at Palmyra.” American Journal of Archaeology 37: 58-63
  • Taylor, Jane 2002. Petra and the Lost Kingdom of the Nabataeans. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
  • Toorn, Karel van der, Bob Becking, and Pieter W. van der Horst, editors. 1999. Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible: Second Extensively Revised Edition. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill and Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans

Graphics Credits

Spirit Possession and the Goddess Ishtar in Ancient Mesopotamia

Author: Johanna Stuckey, PhD
From the Archives of MatriFocus
A Cross-Quarterly Web Magazine for Goddess Women Near & Far
Samhain 2008, Vol 8-1

drawing of Ishtar statue being worshipped by a priest or king
Ishtar-of-the-Stars. Probably a cult statue being worshipped by a human priest or king. Her warrior aspect is indicated by her striding left leg protruding from an overskirt and revealing a warrior’s kilt. Impression of a Neo-Assyrian seal, dated 883-612 BCE.
Drawing © 2008 S. Beaulieu, after Black And Green 2003: 108.

Probably the ancient world’s most famous example of possession by spirits occurred almost daily over a period of about 2,000 years. At the great ancient Greek sanctuary of Delphi, the god Apollo gave oracles or predictions to those who consulted him, and he spoke through a priestess, the Pythia (Goodrich 1989: 194-254).[1] Scholars have argued interminably about how the Pythia[2] received the god’s message: by eating a psychedelic substance, breathing volcanic fumes from a cleft in the rock, and so on. However, to my mind it is much more likely that she was a medium who, through either talent or training, went into trance when the god possessed her.[3]

Spirit possession is a well-known phenomenon occurring cross-culturally in most areas of the world. It is very likely that most people have seen a possession “in their immediate community” or in their own experience, although to many of us in the West this seems “exotic or anachronistic” (Keller 2002: 3).[4] Those who regularly become possessed are termed mediums, and globally more of them are women than men (Paper 1997: 106). Possession has been defined as total, though temporary, domination of a human’s body and consciousness by a known or unknown alien being; after the event, the person possessed usually has no memory of what happened (After Ann Gold, quoted in Keller 2002: 3). Through availing itself of the person’s body, a spirit, ancestor, or deity can be present in and for the community (Paper 1997: 203).[5]

Given the worldwide incidence of mediums and spirit possession today, their existence in the ancient world should not be surprising. Another familiar example, this time from the Hebrew Bible (Christian Old Testament), is the so-called “Witch of Endor,” the medium whom King Saul consulted to make contact with the dead prophet Samuel (I Samuel 28). Yet another instance is the ancient Greek Maenads, female devotees possessed by the god Dionysus (Kraemer 1989: 49).

Spirit possession seems also to have been part of the religious life of ancient Mesopotamia. For instance, it is likely, as I have suggested elsewhere, that during the “Sacred Marriage” ritual the Sumerian goddess Inanna possessed her high priestess and acted through the latter’s entranced body. In ancient Mesopotamia, attested examples of possession normally involved oracles or prophesies by religious functionaries — many of them women, many devotees of Inanna’s Semitic counterpart, Ishtar.

drawing of Ishtar, female worshipper, date palm, and two gazelles
Ishtar, fully armed, stands on her sacred lion. An eight-pointed star, one of her symbols, adorns her elaborate crown. Her forward-striding leg reveals her warrior’s kilt. A worshipper stands before her. Behind her is a sacred date palm, with two rampant gazelles uncharacteristically posed opposite each other, giving a suggestion of fighting. Normally there would be one on each side of the tree trying to reach the fruit. Impression of a Neo-Assyrian seal dated ca. 750-650 BCE. British Museum.
Drawing © 2008 S. Beaulieu, after Leick 1998: Plate 38.

The Mesopotamian Semitic word for prophet, raggimu (masc.)/raggintu (fem.) meant “shouter,” and it is likely that this kind of oracle giver proclaimed the message in a temple. Another kind of prophet was called mahhû (masc.)/muhhutu(m) (fem.) meaning “ecstatic” and derived from mahu “to go into a frenzy” (Nissinen 2003: 6-7). Both kinds were normally attached to the temple of the deity for whom they spoke. When they spoke, they would very likely have been possessed by the temple’s god(dess).

Mesopotamian oracular reports have come down to us primarily in two groups, the Mari letters and the Nineveh collection, dated about 1,000 years apart. The Mari letters (2nd millennium BCE) were written to the king of Mari by members of his family and courtiers. Prominent among the senders of Mari letters containing accounts of prophecies were Shibtu, the queen of Zimri-Lim (c. 1775-1761), the king’s sister priestess Inib-shina, and other royal ladies such as Addu-duri (Nissinen 2003: 15, 28). The prophets themselves included slightly more women than men (Huffmon in Nissinen 2000: 51). They were connected to a number of deities, one of whom was Annunitu(m), a form of Ishtar.

The Nineveh collection, on which I will concentrate here, consists of reports preserved at Nineveh in the great library of the Assyrian king Assurbanipal and written down in the 7th century BCE (deJong Ellis 1989: 133, 141). The sex differential changes quite dramatically from the Mari letters to the Nineveh collection. In the latter, female prophets outnumbered males by two to one. Furthermore, the majority of the Assyrian prophets came from Arbela, a city in the northern part of Mesopotamia (Parpolo 1997: XLVIII). Not surprisingly, as we shall see, Arbela’s protector deity was the goddess Ishtar. The Assyrian king Esarhaddon (681-669 BCE) and his son Assurbanipal (668-627 BCE), both warrior kings (Pongratz-Leisten 2006: 26), had close relationships with Ishtar of Arbela as “Lady of Battle.” The prophecies in the Nineveh collection concerned these two kings.

drawing of stone stele, with Ishtar standing on her growling lion
Assyrian warrior goddess Ishtar of Arbela, identified from an inscription on the stone. Fully armed, she stands on her growling lion, which she controls with a rope. Her cylindrical horned crown is topped with a star-rosette. Stone stele from Tel-Barsip in north-east Syria. Dated to the eighth century BCE.
Drawing © 2008 S. Beaulieu, after Pritchard 1969: 177, plate 522.

Although the Assyrian oracles were certainly recorded by scribes and probably were to some extent fashioned by them to fit an accepted literary tradition, nonetheless they are still presented as the words of a deity. For instance, an oracle given by “the mouth of the woman Sinqisha-amur of Arbela” reads: “King of Assyria, have no fear!  I will deliver up the enemy of the king of Assyria for slaughter….” The possessor of the medium then identifies herself: “I am the Gr[eat Lady. I am Ishtar o]f Arbela …” (Parpola 1997: 4). In another prophecy spoken through Sinqisha-amur, the possessing deity assures the king: “I am your father and mother. I raised you between my wings” (Parpola 1997: 18).

Mothering and nursing language occurs several times in the Nineveh collection. An unknown prophet speaks as Ishtar of Arbela: “I am your great midwife; I am your excellent wet nurse” (Parpola 1997: 7). The following excerpt comes from a long prophecy made for the crown prince Assurbanipal through the “prophetess Mullissu-kabtat” (meaning “Mullissu is honored”): “You whose mother is Mulissu,[6] have no fear! You whose nurse is the Lady of Arbela, have no fear!” (Parpola 1997: 39).

drawing of ewe with suckling lamb; star above ewe identifies her as a goddess
An ewe suckling her lamb, while browsing on a bush. She is a goddess as the star above her tells us — it is the cuneiform sign for “deity.”  She represents Ishtar as nursing mother, as sometimes described in the Assyrian oracles. Impression of a cylinder seal from the Assyrian capital city Ashur. Dated to the middle Assyrian period (ca. 1500-1000 BCE).
Drawing © 2008 S. Beaulieu, after Parpola 1997: XXXVIII Fig. 17.

In some of the oracles the deity refers to the king as a calf. One oracle says that Ishtar of Arbela has gone into the steppe, but she has sent a message of “well-being to her calf” (Parpola 1997: 10). Another comforts the king: “[Have no fear], my calf” (Parpola 1997: 18). This motherly reference reminds us of wonderful ivory carvings of a cow suckling a calf, some of which were found at Nimrud in Mesopotamia (Mallowan 1978). This image was “a ubiquitous motif” of the period (Parpola 1997: XXXVIII). Further, it was closely “connected in the historical traditions with the goddess” (Keel and Uelinger1998: 215).

drawing of cow with suckling calf
Cow bending over her suckling calf, a widespread motif in the ancient Near East. Parpola identifies the cow in this image as “Mullissu/I[sh]tar” (1997: XXXVIII, Fig. 16). Ivory panel found at Nimrud. Dated to the first part of the first millennium BCE (Neo-Assyrian period).
Drawing © 2008 S. Beaulieu, after Mallowan 1978: 56, fig. 65.

The 7th century Nineveh collection mentions thirteen Assyrian mediums, nine of them female. The remaining four were possibly male, but two of them seem to have been sexually ambivalent.[7] One of the latter’s oracles is identified as “the mouth of the woman Baya, son of Arbela” (Parpola 1997: 6 — my italics). Female mediums from Arbela included Ahat-abisha “Sister of her father,” Sinqisha-amur “I have seen her distress,” and Dunnasha-amur “I have seen her power” (Parpola 1997: IL, LII). It is not surprising that so many prophets were from Arbela (modern Erbil), for Ishtar was the protector deity of Arbela. They were almost certainly attached to her temple there, “House of the Lady of the Land” (Nissinen 2003: 100; Nissinen in Nissinen 2000: 95).

drawing of goddess Ishtar with halo standing on a growling lion; before her is a priest worshipping her
The goddess Ishtar appearing in a halo of light to a worshipping king or priest. She is in her warrior stance and holds a weapon. Her dais is a growling lion. Seal impression from the Achaemenid period (after 500 BCE).
Drawing © 2008 S. Beaulieu, after Parpola 1997: XXX. Fig. c.

Not only was Ishtar a warrior goddess, but she was the divine mediator between deities and between deities and humans (Nissinen in Nissinen 2000: 96). Thus, it was usually she who possessed the Assyrian mediums. So the “overwhelming majority” of the prophets are associated in some way with Ishtar’s cult. When on occasion another deity wanted to contact a king through an oracle, s/he “used the channel” of a medium of Ishtar (Toorn in Nissinen 2000: 78-79). Ishtar induced ecstasy in her devotees. “If ever there was a possession cult in Mesopotamia, it was connected with Ishtar” (Toorn in Nissinen 2000: 79).

Cross-dressing was part of her cult, and she had the ability to alter a person’s sex, so that a man became a woman and vice versa. In Mesopotamian treaties, the curse on treaty breakers often included lines like the following, from an Assyrian vassal treaty: “… may Ishtar, the goddess of men, the lady of women, take away their `bow,’ [potency?] cause their steri[lity]…” (Reiner in Pritchard 1969: 533). Like Inanna, Ishtar also confused the lines that separated the sexes, the generations, the classes, and the species, human and animal.

Ishtar was goddess of love and war, as well as of the Venus star. Later, as often in earlier periods, Ishtar’s warlike qualities were definitely emphasized by warrior conquerors like the Assyrians. For their kings, Ishtar was not only “Lady of Battle” but often a personal deity. She fought beside them in battle and led them to victory. Ishtar of Arbela was an especially warlike figure. Hence it is surprising to encounter in the oracles the goddess’s nurturing character. Blood-thirsty goddess she might be, but she shows concern for her “calf” in the most motherly of ways. This adds a further dimension to her complex character.

drawing of procession of deities on their sacred animals
Procession of deities on their sacred animals, arranged between two likenesses of an Assyrian king (Sennacherib?). Scholars have identified them, from the left, as follows: 1. Ashur, the supreme god of Assyria; 2. Ninlil/Ishtar of Nineveh; 3. Enlil, supreme deity of Sumer, or possibly Sin, the moon god; 4. Sin, the moon god, or Nabu, the scribe god; 5. Shamash, the sun god; 6. Adad, the storm god; and 7. Ishtar of Arbela. One of four panels  carved in the rock face at Maltai or Maltaya, 70 km north of Mosul in northern Iraq. Possibly done on order of Assyrian king Sennacherib, 704-681 BCE. Length 6 m, height 1.85 m.
Drawing © 2008 S. Beaulieu, after Pritchard 1969: 181, # 537.

That Ishtar, gender-bending source of ecstasy that she was, should have been served by many female as well as some transvestite and eunuch mediums is not surprising either. We can only speculate on what great influence these predominantly female prophets must have had in their temple and on the warlike Assyrian kings, when their powerful goddess spoke through them.

Notes

  1. The title Pythia meant “Pythoness or Female Serpent” and came from the name of the dragon-snake Pytho, the original guardian of the sanctuary. Delphi’s well-known myth tells how Apollo acquired the sanctuary by killing Pytho. Before Apollo, it was dedicated to the earth goddess Gaia. The temple of Apollo was built over the much earlier shrine to Gaia. That shrine’s remains are still there behind what is now called “the Rock of the Sybil.” See Fontenrose 1974.
  2. According to tradition, Gaia’s daughter Themis was the first Pythia; the Greek word themis means “law as established by custom.”
  3. Although Apollo retained the priestesses as mediums, male priests usually passed on or interpreted their answers to those seeking guidance (Maurizio 1995: 70).
  4. Nonetheless, in Pentecostal Christian churches, for instance, worshippers regularly become “possessed of the spirit” and speak in tongues and otherwise prophesy, and so do some devotees on the programs of certain televangelists.
  5. Though they are often interconnected, a medium normally differs from a shaman, in that a shaman “actively employs the spirits rather than serving as a passive vehicle for the spirit” as does a medium (Grabbe in Nissinen 2000: 18). In addition, s/he retains her/his own consciousness throughout the experience and also remembers the event after coming out of trance.
  6. Mulissu/Mullissu was the Assyrian name of the great and influential goddess Nin-lil, spouse of the supreme Sumerian god En-lil. She was wife of the Assyrian state god Ashur, En-lil’s Assyrian counterpart. Her sacred animal was the lion.  Later she was equated with Ishtar, especially Ishtar of Arbela. In Assyria, in the later period, Ishtar was the spouse of the god Ashur. Herodotus called her Mylitta and identified her as the Assyrian Aphrodite.
  7. Several categories of religious functionary dedicated to Ishtar were transvestites, and many may have been castrates.

Bibliography

  • Bienkowski, Piotr and Alan Millard, eds. 2000. Dictionary of the Ancient Near East. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania.
  • Black, Jeremy and Anthony Green 2003 (1992). Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia. Austin, TX: University of Texas.
  • deJong Ellis, Maria 1989. “Observations on Mesopotamian Oracles and Prophetic Texts: Literary and Historiographical Considerations.” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 41: 127-186.
  • Fontenrose, Joseph 1974 (1959). Python: A Study of Delphic Myth and Its Origins. New York: Biblo & Tannen.
  • Goodrich, Norma Lorre 1989. Priestesses. New York:  Franklin Watts.
  • Keel, Othmar and Christoph Uehlinger 1998. Gods, Goddesses, and Images of God in Ancient Israel. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress.
  • Keller, Mary 2002. The Hammer and the Flute: Women, Power, and Spirit Possession. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University.
  • Kraemer, Ross S. 1989. “Ecstasy and Possession: Women of Ancient Greece and the Cult of Dionysus,” 45-55 in Unspoken Worlds: Women’s Religious Lives, eds. Nancy A. Falk and Rita Gross. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
  • Leick, Gwendolyn 1998. A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. New York: Routledge.
  • Mallowan (Sir), Max 1978. The Nimrud Ivories. London: Colonnade, British Museum.
  • Maurizio, L. 1995. “Anthropology  and Spirit Possession: A Reconsideration of Pythia’s Role at Delphi.” Journal of Hellenic Studies 115:69-86.
    Nissinen, Martti 2003. Prophets and Prophecy in the Ancient Near East. Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature.
  • Nissinen, Martti, editor. 2000.  Prophecy in Its Ancient Near Eastern Context: Mesopotamian, Biblical, and Arabian. Atlanta, GA:  Society of Biblical Literature.
  • Paper, Jordan 1997. Through the Earth Darkly: Female Spirituality in Comparative Perspective. New York: Continuum.
  • Parpolo, Simo 1997. Assyrian Prophecies. Helsinki: Helsinki University.
  • Pongratz-Leisten, Beate 2006. “Cassandra’s Colleagues: Prophetesses in the Neo-Assyrian Empire.” Journal of the Canadian Society for Mesopotamian Studies 1: 23-29.
  • Pritchard, James B., editor. 1969. Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament: Third Edition with Supplement. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press

Graphics Credits

Ancient Grain Goddesses of the Eastern Mediterranean

Author: Johanna Stuckey, PhD
From the Archives of MatriFocus
A Cross-Quarterly Web Magazine for Goddess Women Near & Far
Lammas 2008, Vol 7-4

O Nisaba, good woman, fair woman, woman born in the mountains! . . .
[M]ay you be a heaper up of grain among the grain piles and in the grain stores!
(Black, Cunningham, Robson, and Zólyomi 2004: 294)

vegetation goddess, sitting on blades of growing grain, receiving three minor male gods and offering them a stalk of grain
A vegetation goddess, sitting on blades of growing grain, receives three minor male gods and offers them a stalk of grain. Other stalks emerge from her shoulders. According to Boehmer, several of the stalks end in ears of grain (1965: 96). Behind her grows another stalk. She wears the flounced robe of deity and a round beret-like hat and has only one set of horns marking her as a minor deity. Two of the gods have snakes in front of them. Cylinder seal. Akkadian, ca. 2350-2150 BCE.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Boehmer 1965: Plate XLVI, #536.

As the Harvest season approaches,[1] I have been thinking about the ancient goddesses who embodied the grain that maintained the agriculturally based civilizations of the Eastern Mediterranean. Their Mesopotamian names resonate with the rustle of grain fields: Nunbarshegunu and Ninlil, Ezinu and Ashnan, Sud, Kusu, and Nissaba, and the parallels between them and Greek Demeter are fascinating. But what is the revered patron of scribes Nissaba doing among this group? Well, whatever else, she was always barely and it was the mainstay of the culture.

The Mesopotamian farming-based cities lay to the north and east and had as protector deities “grain goddesses like Ninlil, Ninbarshegunu, and [Nissaba]” (Jacobsen 1976: 25). Today, when we think of grain, we usually imagine a vast field of ripening wheat or a crusty loaf of wheat bread. The people of Mesopotamia, on the other hand, would almost certainly have thought first of barley. Wheat is not an easy crop to grow in irrigation-dependent lands, such as those of southern Mesopotamia, because salt has a tendency to build up in the soil. Barley, on the other hand, is much hardier and will grow in more soils. Ancient Mesopotamians used barley for making bread and, more importantly, beer.

Grain goddesses occur frequently on Mesopotamian seals, and respectful male vegetation deities often stand before their thrones. They usually sit on heaps of grain, or small granaries, or even on growing grain; they hold stalks of grain in their hands, while more sprout from their shoulders. It is impossible to be sure which grain goddess an image depicts, though only one set of horns in a crown indicates minor divinity. Thus the single-horned goddesses may have been Ezinu or Ashnan, while the double-horned ones may have been the more important deity Nissaba. It is likely, however, that most are barley goddesses. Furthermore, in the texts, grain goddesses were regularly identified with one another (Lambert in Finkel and Geller 1997: 6).

double-horned grain goddess, seated on what might be a storage unit for seed, offering what looks like a pot planted with blades of grain to an important multi-horned god, who holds out his hands to take it
A double-horned grain goddess, seated on what might be a storage unit for seed, offers what look like a pot planted with blades of grain to an important multi-horned god, who holds out his hands to take it. The goddess wears the flounced robe of deity and has blades protruding from her shoulders. Behind the multi-horned god, a lesser god carries a plow, and behind him a double-horned vegetation god with blades growing from his body holds a sheaf of grain. The presence of the plow indicates that the multi-horned god is probably Ninurta, both warrior deity and patron of farming. The goddess might then be his mother Ninlil/Sud or his grandmother Nissaba. This seal suggests an interesting parallel with the story of the Greek goddess Demeter, who introduces the heroTriptolemus to farming and then sends him off to teach humans agriculture. Cylinder seal. Akkadian, ca. 2350-2150 BCE.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Boehmer 1965: Plate XLV, #533.

“Lady of Abundance” Ezina/Ashnan was a popular Sumerian grain goddess.[2] One text describes her as “the growing grain, the life of Sumer” (Black, Cunningham, Robson and Zólyomi 2004: 111). She was a daughter of a great god, and her sister Lakhar was a sheep goddess (Civil 1983: 45).[3] Ezinu/Ashnan may have started out as the deity of emmer wheat; perhaps she was increasingly celebrated as a grain goddess after Nissaba (more below) shifted her domain to writing and scribes.

Like most grain goddesses, Ezina/Ashnan was a very old deity; she appeared in the Early Dynastic period (2900-2350 B.C.E.) (Black, Cunningham, Robson and Zólyomi 2004: 293). Worshipped all over the land, she had a strong presence in ancient Mesopotamian writings. Interestingly, she was also relied on to support treaties and laws by withholding abundance from anyone breaking them (Kramer in Pritchard 1969: 161). One text salutes her as “the good bread of the whole world” (Black, Cunningham, Robson and Zólyomi 2004: 222).

vase decor in four layers: top, Innana, embodied in her high priestess, at her temple; below her, a procession of naked priests carrying gifts of the land's produce to her; below them, sheep and goats; at the bottom, water and grain plants
On the Warka vase, found in Inanna’s sacred city Uruk in southern Mesopotamia, a procession of naked priests carry gifts of the land’s produce to Innana’s temple. Embodied in her high priestess, Inanna greets them at the shrine door, which is marked by Inanna’s signature gateposts. At the bottom of the vase, above the water that makes all possible, grow grain plants, probably barley and wheat. Above them walk what are likely sheep and goats. Alabaster. 3′ tall. Fourth millennium BCE.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Gadon 1989: 137.

Several other Mesopotamian goddesses had connections to fertility and thus to grain, among them the great goddess Inanna/Ishtar. Her connection with the land’s abundance was fully depicted on the famous Uruk or Warka vase.[4] Along the bottom of the vase grow two kinds of grain looking very similar to the stalks that grain goddesses hold.[5] An amazing seal shows both Ishtar and a grain goddess. The two are part of, and frame, a mythic scene which includes a male warrior, possibly Gilgamesh.

seal, with goddess Ishtar, a minor grain goddess, a bearded semi-human (possibly Gilgamesh), a goat-like creature, a human and minor goddess at worship, offering an sacrifice and a vase pouring two streams of water; also an inscription reading 'Eli-eshtar, scribe' (meaning 'My Deity [is] Ishtar.'
This is an extremely interesting seal, and it probably represents a story involving the hero Gilgamesh that is now lost to us. Nonetheless, we can understand that at least part of it deals with grain and fertility. On the right of the composition stands a one-horned minor grain goddess, grain stalks protruding from her shoulders. She holds what look like two sticks in one hand, and with the other reaches out to a bearded, turbaned semi-human. He is wrapped in a lion skin (?) and holds a club in one hand. In the other he holds two objects. From his shoulders sprout vegetation. He might be the demi-god hero Gilgamesh. Between the grain goddess and the warrior, a goat-like creature prances. On the left side of the seal the goddess Ishtar in warrior stance faces a worshipper across an altar which bears a noosed rope or a necklace. The worshipper carries an ibex as sacrifice(?), and behind stands a minor goddess also worshipping, who holds a jar with two streams of water flowing from it (Tigris and Euphrates?). The inscription reads: “Eli-eshtar, scribe.” The name seems to mean “My Deity [is] Ishtar.” Serpentine. Akkadian, ca. 2350-2150 BCE.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Collon 1982: Plate XXXI, #213.

Probably originating as an epithet of Nissaba and Ezina/Ashnan meaning “Bright”[6] (Kramer 1981: 362), Kusu was regularly regarded as a deity in her own right and often evoked in magic and religious texts. Shala(sh) was another Sumerian goddess of grain. One tradition sees her as wife of the grain god Dagan, another of the storm god Ishkur/Adad. Her symbol was a stalk of grain/barley (Black and Green 2003: 39, 172-173). Yet another goddess connected with grain was the Babylonian goddess of love Ishkhara (Ishara), who was often identified with Ishtar. One tradition assigned her to the Semitic grain god Dagan as spouse. Her symbol was the scorpion (Black and Green 2003: 110).

seal: grain goddess (Ishara) with horns and stalks growing out of her shoulders, sitting on a heap of grain, holding grain stalks and receiving a multi-horned male deity who proffers a plow; also, two vegetation deities carrying a box, possibly a depiction of a unit of grain measure; also, a human worshipper
A grain goddess with one set of horns and stalks growing out of her shoulders sits on a heap of grain. She holds grain stalks in both hands. She is receiving a multi-horned male deity who proffers a plow. He probably is, or represents, Ninurta, god of farming. Behind him two vegetation deities carry, on a horizontal bar, a box which is possibly a depiction of a unit of grain measure. Under the bar is a scorpion, symbol of Ishara, Babylonian goddess of love and a minor grain goddess. A human worshipper stands behind them. Cylinder seal. Dated ca. 2350-2150 BCE.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Boehmer 1965: Plate XLVI, #541.

Surprisingly, the great Sumerian goddess Nissaba, whose name was used in written material to denote “grain,” was the much-valued scribe of the gods.[7] She was the goddess of writing, accounting, and surveying and, more important, patron of scribes and scribal wisdom. Clearly, however, she began as a grain goddess and was remembered as such. Indeed, in written material, she was often identified with the other grain goddesses, especially Ezinu/Ashnan. The grain she embodied was likely barley, for one of her epithets Nunbarshegunu[8] seems to have meant “Lady (Whose) Body (Is) Dappled Barley.”[9] Nonetheless, “she became patroness of scribes some time soon after the invention of writing,” and her scribal aspects were dominant in the Sumerian schools (Michalowski in Reallexikon IX: 575). Nissaba carried a tablet made of lapis lazuli, a semi-precious stone, dark blue like the night sky. Acknowledging their patron, scribes often concluded literary pieces “Praise to Nissaba!” (Black, Cunningham, Robson and Zólyomi 2004: 280, 291, 307, 314, 338, 349).

seal: seated grain goddess (Nissaba), holding a stalk of grain, sitting on a storage unit, receiving a minor vegetation/grain god and a minor goddess holding a sheaf of grain; also, a tree planted in a pot
A grain goddess, holding a stalk of grain, sits on what looks like a storage unit and receives two minor male deities, one vegetation/grain god, and a minor goddess holding a sheaf of grain. The seated goddess has three horns on her crown and so is likely to be Nissaba. Behind her is a object which might be a tree planted in a pot. Cylinder seal. Akkadian, ca. 2350-2150 BCE.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Boehmer 1965: Plate XLV, #532.

Following the grain-goddess pattern, Nissaba had a long history going back to the Early Dynastic period (2900-2350 B.C.E.), and her lineage too was extremely distinguished. She was the daughter of the sky god and an earth goddess, and her sister was Nin-Isina, a revered healing goddess. In another tradition Nissaba was eldest child of the Sumerian leader of the gods.[10] Her spouse Khaya (Haya), whose name probably means “Life,” was “the god of stores” and storehouses, probably because of his connection with grain goddesses: his spouse Nissaba and daughter Sud (Jacobsen 1976: 99).

Sud was renamed Ninlil when she married Enlil, the dominant deity of the pantheon (Civil 1983).[11] Nissaba also had a connection to the netherworld. In one Babylonian poem she was called “Mistress of the Underworld.” Her symbol was a sheaf or an ear of grain.[12]

seal: high-ranking grain goddess with triple-horned crown (Nissaba), sitting on a store of seed, receiving a praying, single-horned minor god; both have grain sprouting from their bodies; also two other minor gods and a human worshipper
A high-ranking grain goddess with triple-horned crown, probably Nissaba, sits on a store of seed and receives a single-horned minor god, who has grain sprouting from his body. His hands are in the position of prayer. She holds out to him a stalk of barley (?) and has similar stalks growing from her shoulders. Behind the minor grain god are two other minor gods, Both single horned with symbols on their hats. One holds out his hands to her in prayer, the other displays an object (a flail, musical instrument?). Between them is what seems to be a standard (?).  At the back a human worshiper touches her/his nose in reverence. Cylinder seal. Akkadian, ca. 2350-2150 BCE.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Boehmer 1965: Plate XLVI, #538.

Why Nissaba became patroness of writing has been subject of some scholarly dispute. Lambert suggested that Nissaba meant “Lady of Saba,” but there is no evidence that a city called Saba has ever existed (Michalowski in Reallexikon IX: 576). Jacobsen made a quite strong case that Nissaba became patron of writing because she was deity of all grasses, including reeds: “She is the reed when it is fashioned into a reed stylus” (1976: 10). Most convincing is Selz’s argument: he interprets the goddess’s name as “Lady of the Grain Rations (or Grain Distribution)” (1989: 491). Selz cites surviving lists giving monthly accounts of barley distribution to argue that grain, especially barley, functioned as money (1989: 491). Thus, the goddess being measured out as barley became an accountant, that is, a scribe, tracking the allotments. A Sumerian poem recounts how one of the great gods gave order to the world, assigning areas of control to lesser deities. After bestowing the arable land and grain on Ezina, he presented Nissaba with “the measuring reed” and the “measuring tape,” so that she could “demarcate boundaries.” He then proclaimed her “the scribe of the Land” (Black, Cunningham, Robson and Zólyomi 2004: 222, 224). Thus she took office as head measurer, steward of the chief god Enlil at Nippur, center of the grain trade (Selz 1989: 497).

Greek grain goddess Demeter enthroned, with her staff of majesty in one hand and stalks of barley in the other; with her is her daughter Persephone who carries two lit torches, indicative of her status as an Underworld goddess

The Greek grain goddess Demeter enthroned, with her daughter Persephone. Demeter wears a polos, a box-like hat often seen on goddesses, and her long rich hair flows over her shoulders like the grain it is said to resemble. In her left hand she wields her staff of majesty, and in her right she holds stalks of barley(?). Persephone carries two lit torches, indicative of her status as an Underworld goddess. Marble. Greece. Fifth century BCE.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Gadon 1989: 162.

Perhaps the best-known of the grain goddesses is Demeter,[13] patron of the fertility not only of plants, but also of humans. Along with her daughter Kore/Persephone, she was the focus of the Eleusinian Mysteries, secret rituals that yearly drew prospective initiates from all over the Greco-Roman world. The focus of the rituals was likely the abduction of Demeter’s beloved daughter by the lord of the Underworld. The story is recounted in the seventh-century BCE Homeric “Hymn to Demeter” (Foley 1994).[14] The poem ends with the return of Persephone after her mother exercises her awesome power to withhold all fertility and almost destroys both gods and humans.

Like Mesopotamian grain goddesses, Demeter was a very ancient divinity with roots which might go back well into the second millennium BCE. Though her name does not appear in texts dating to that period, they do mention a “Grain Mistress” (Burkert 1985: 44). Like the early Nissaba, Demeter stands primarily for grain, especially barley, her yellow hair reflected in the golden ripeness of the fields. In images, she holds ripe grain in her hand and wears it as a crown. Her daughter has been understood as the early shoots of grain or, when in the Underworld, seed-grain buried in silos during the summer heat (Foley 1994: 34, 40; Burkert 1985: 160). Like Nissaba, Demeter had some Underworld connections; indeed, the dead were known as Demetreioi, “Belonging to Demeter.” Burkert states that “[no] Near Eastern parallels are found for the mother-daughter constellation” of Demeter and Kore (1985:161), whom the Greeks called “the Two Goddesses” because of their closeness as well as similarities (1985:159). Still, Nissaba also had a daughter who, like Persephone, married a great god and became a great queen. Like the Mesopotamian grain goddesses, Demeter had the power to withhold fertility not just from a breaker of a law or treaty, but from both humans and deities. Finally, Mesopotamian Nissaba was the divider or distributor of the grain rations and, from there, divine measurer and keeper of order. Demeter too was concerned with order and the upholding of custom. One of her epithets was Thesmosphoros, “Law-giver.”[15] However, while her beloved daughter was in the Underworld, Demeter not only refused to keep order, but actually caused its dissolution by withdrawing from the world, which then became sterile. As soon as she got her way and was convinced that she would get her daughter back, she made “the grain grow fertile for humankind”:

At once she sent forth fruit from the fertile fields
And the whole wide earth burgeoned with leaves
And flowers
(Foley 1994: 26)

Notes

  1. Harvests in the north occur at the end of summer. On the other hand, in the ancient Eastern Mediterranean, especially in Mesopotamia, the summer was the dead season and harvest was in spring (Jacobsen 1976: 47).
  2. Lambert identifies Ezina as Sumerian, Ashnan as Akkadian Semitic (in Finkel and Geller 1997: 6).The names were borrowed from Sumerian into the Semitic languages of Mesopotamia (Frayne, personal communication, June 2008).
  3. Between them, they provided the main foods of Sumer. See “The Debate between Sheep and Grain” (Black, Cunningham, Robson and Zólyomi 2004: 225-229).
  4. One of the priceless objects which, I understand, is still missing after the looting of the Baghdad Museum at the beginning of the Iraq War.
  5. My thanks to Stéphane Beaulieu for this observation.
  6. Frayne, personal communication, June 2008. Michalowski translates it as “Pure” (in Reallexikon IX: 576).
  7. Her name Nissaba was once read as Nidaba (Michalowski in Reallexicon IX: 575).
  8. This epithet is the name of an independent goddess, a “wise old woman,” in the poem “Enlil and Ninlil” (Black, Cunningham, Robson, and Zólyomi 2004: 102-111).
  9. Frayne, personal communication, June 2008.
  10. In another tradition, Enlil married Nissaba’s daughter and so became her son-in-law (Civil 1983).
  11. In the poem “Enlil and Sud,” as we have seen, Sud’s mother was Nunbarshegunu, an epithet of Nissaba likening her to “mottled barley.” This reference links not only Nissaba, but also her daughter Sud/Ninlil to barley. So Sud/Ninlil was also a grain goddess. Not surprisingly, she was often identified with Ezinu/Ashnan and Shala. One of Ninlil’s sons was Ninurta, whose symbol was the plow.
  12. In Babylonian times, Nissaba was wife to Nabu, who took over from her as patron of scribes and writing.
  13. Roman Ceres. See Spaeth, Barbette S. The Roman Goddess Ceres. Austin, TX: University of Texas, 1996.
  14. Homer’s name has traditionally been assigned to a group of hymns, really short epics “designed as an introduction to the epic recital at festivals”; they date to around the sixth-seventh centuries BCE (Burkert 1985: 123).
  15. Literally it means “one who brings or gives” thesmos “that which is laid down, rule, precept.”

Bibliography

  • Black, Jeremy and Anthony Green. 2003 (1992). Gods, Demons, and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia. Austin, TX: University of Texas PressBlack, Jeremy, Graham Cunningham, Eleanor Robson, and Gábor Zólyomi 2004. The Literature of Ancient Sumer. Oxford: Oxford University
  • Black, Jeremy, Graham Cunningham, Eleanor Robson, and Gábor Zólyomi 2004. The Literature of Ancient Sumer. Oxford: Oxford University
  • Boehmer, Rainer M. 1965. Die Entwicklung der Glyptik während der Akkad-zeit. Berlin: de Gruyter
  • Burkert, Walter 1985. Greek Religion. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
  • Civil, Miguel 1983. “Enlil and Ninlil: The Marriage of Sud,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 103: 45
  • Collon. Dominique 1982. Catalogue of the Western Asiatic Seals in the British Museum. Cylinder Seals II. Akkadian—Post-Akkadian—Ur III. London: British Museum
  • Finkel, I.L. and M.J. Geller, eds. 1997. Sumerian Gods and Their Representations. Groningen, The Netherlands: Styx
  • Foley, Helene P., ed. 1994. The Homeric Hymn to Demeter: Translation, Commentary, and Interpretive Essays. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
  • Gadon, Elinor 1989: The Once and Future Goddess. San Francisco: Harper & Row
  • Jacobsen, Thorkild 1976. The Treasures of Darkness: A History of Mesopotamian Religion. New Haven: Yale University
  • Jacobsen, Thorkild 1989. “The lil2 of dEnlil,” 267-276 in DUMU-E2-DUB-BA-A: Studies in Honor of Ake Sjöberg. Eds. H. Behrens, D. Loding, and M.T.Roth. Philadelphia: Occasional Publications of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund. Number 11
  • Kramer, Samuel N. 1981. History Begins at Sumer: Thirty-Nine Firsts in Recorded History. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press
  • Pritchard, James B., editor. 1969. Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament: Third Edition with Supplement. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press
  • Reallexikon. 1932–. Reallexikon der Assyriologie. Founding editors. Erich Ebeling and Bruno Meissner. Berlin/Leipzig: de Gruyter
  • Selz, Gebhard J. 1989. “Nissaba(k):`Die Herrin der Getreidezuteilungen,’” 491-497 in DUMU-E2-DUB-BA-A: Studies in Honor of Ake Sjöberg. Eds. H. Behrens, D. Loding, and M.T.Roth. Philadelphia: Occasional Publications of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund. Number 11

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Shaushka and ‘Ain Dara: A Goddess and Her Temple

Author: Johanna Stuckey, PhD
From the Archives of MatriFocus
A Cross-Quarterly Web Magazine for Goddess Women Near & Far
Imbolc 2008, Vol 7-2


Beautiful face typical of those at ‘Ain Dara: rounded nose, almond-shaped eyes, and slightly smiling lips. Perhaps a goddess or a priestess. Around her head she wears a circlet decorated with rosettes, in Mesopotamia a symbol of the goddess Inanna/Ishtar. Originally found in many pieces, restored. Basalt. 22″.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Monson 2000: 34.

What an unexpected delight! I have just discovered a really important ancient Near Eastern goddess I had never heard of before. At the urging of University of Toronto’s Prof. D. Frayne, I had begun doing research towards writing an article about a stunning temple at ‘Ain Dara, in northern Syria. Since, from its sculpture, its excavator thought it had been dedicated to the Babylonian war and love goddess Ishtar, I assumed that I would be dealing with her. However, only a little investigation suddenly presented me with the name of Shaushka, who turned out to be a widely disseminated deity often identified with Ishtar.[1]

Ishtar, the Babylonian equivalent of the Sumerian goddess Inanna, was one of the seven great deities of the Mesopotamian pantheon and “the most important female deity of ancient Mesopotamia at all periods” (Black and Green 2003 (1992): 108). Her particular animal was the lion, and she was associated with predatory and other birds. In Phoenician art, she was also connected to sphinxes (Assaf in Meyers 1997: I, 35). Inanna/Ishtar contributed much of her personality, characteristics, and areas of power to Canaanite, Phoenician, and Carthaginian Astarte, who was the Biblical Ashtoreth, and also to the Syrian goddess, Atargatis. All of the latter were worshiped well into Greco-Roman times. Inanna/Ishtar was also very much present in the northern deity Shaushka.

Shaushka, Shawushka, or Sausga was originally a goddess of the Hurrians, “an ethnic group” which made its presence felt in the Ancient Near East during the third to the first millennium BCE. For a time in the fifteenth century BCE, the Hurrian kingdom of Mitanni was a force to be reckoned with throughout the region. Eventually the Hurrians were subdued by the Hittites[2] and the Assyrians (Bienkowski and Millard 2000: 150), but not before their religion had had an enormous influence in northern Syria and northern Mesopotamia. Indeed, texts regularly describe Shaushka as “of Nineveh,” and we know that she was worshiped at that important Mesopotamian city for around 1,500 years (Beckman 1988: 8). Her cult was also celebrated at northern sites such as Nuzi, Alalakh, and Ugarit. Her cult center was a place called Samukha, possibly in the northern Euphrates area. Her name, from a Hurrian root, probably started as a title, “The Great One” (Beckman 1998: 2, note 14).

The goddess achieved real prominence as patron of the Hittite king Hattushilis II (1420-1400 BCE) and, later, as personal protector of Hattushilis III (1275-1245 BCE). The latter’s wife Pudukhepa is credited with active involvement in both diplomatic and religious matters, in the course of which she promoted the adoption of Hurrian deities into the Hittite pantheon and, when possible, their identification with Hittite ones (Leick 1999: 132).

Mythically, Shaushka was the daughter of the sky god Anu or the moon god Sin. In a number of texts the storm god Teshub was her brother, in some her husband.[3] She was usually accompanied by two female attendants, the musicians Ninatta and Kulitta. The fact that Shaushka and Ishtar both were deities of war and love/sexuality brought them together. In imagery they strode forward, both fierce and determined warriors, and carried weapons of war.


Stela of the warrior goddess Ishtar standing on and controlling a lion. She bears weapons and wears a cylindrical crown topped with one of her symbols, a rosette. From Tel Barsib northeast of ‘Ain Dara. Dated to the eighth century BCE.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Monson 2000: 28.


The goddess Shaushka on a stela from the storm-god temple at Aleppo, Syria. She wears a long skirt, a cylindrical crown, and a multi-stringed necklace. She carries an axe in her right hand and, in the left, an object which has variously been explained as a weapon, a mirror, or a spindle/distaff. On her shoulders are what might be quivers. Dated to early in the first millennium BCE.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Gonnella, Khayyata, and Kohlmeyer 2005: 102.


Shaushka and her musician attendants Ninatta and Kulitta. From the famous open-air Hittite site of Yazilikaya. It is not clear whether the protrusions from her shoulders are quivers or possibly wings. Shaushka appears twice at the site, once in the procession of the goddesses (#56) and again in the procession of the gods (#38). Her ambiguous sex is the obvious explanation. The carvings have been dated to between about 1227 and 1209 BCE.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after illustration on http://www.uned.es.

Texts describe Shaushka as similar to Ishtar, as an ambiguous goddess who supervised married love and harmonious relationships but, unpredictably, could turn love into a dangerous endeavor. According to Hittite texts she was of ambiguous sex also and given to wearing the clothes of both sexes. In addition, she could alter a person’s sex. One ritual credited her with the ability to deprive men of “manliness and vitality,” to replace their bows and arrows with distaffs and spindles, and to dress them in women’s clothes. From women she could take away motherhood and love (Hutter in van der Toorn et al. 1999: 758-759). Nonetheless, one of her areas of competence was healing, especially in sexual matters. In magical incantations she was asked to remove curses and fight the plague (Beckman 1998: 6). Like most healing deities, she could both cure and cause disease or death.

This was the goddess who might have inhabited the beautiful but now ruined temple of ‘Ain Dara (see temple plan), which has been dated to the period about 1300 to 740 BCE.


Frieze of lions and sphinxes, two of which flank the entry way into the portico of ‘Ain Dara temple. The sphinx has the body of a bull, the chest feathers and wings of an eagle, and a human female head. The faces of the lions have been damaged.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Monson 2000: 25.


Rows of bird (eagle?) claws, the damaged remains of huge stelas that lined the back of the antechamber of the temple. Basalt.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Monson 2000: 32.


The head of a female sphinx wearing a Hathor-style coiffure. See my Matrifocus article for Lammas 2006 (Vol. 5-4). Her face is typical for the ‘Ain Dara temple and might represent its goddess. Basalt.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Monson 2000: 25.


Damaged stela of the goddess Shaushka/Ishtar. She takes to pose of a warrior deity and carries a staff or spear in her left hand and, possibly, an axe in her right. There seems to be a quiver on her shoulder. She wears a split or diaphanous robe, and her pubic triangle is very prominent. Her shoes, turned up at the toe, are typical of the mountain areas of Anatolia and north Syria. Basalt.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Monson 2000: 32.

Perched on top of a huge tell[4] in Syria, about 42 miles northwest of Aleppo (see map), the temple[5] looks out over the fertile valley of the Afrin river. Very close to the mound is the spring from which it takes its name. After excavating the temple from 1980 to 1985, Syrian archaeologist Ali Abou Assaf concluded, mainly from the decorative sculpture, that the temple had been dedicated to Ishtar, but it seems much more likely to me that the mistress of ‘Ain Dara was the Great One, Shaushka.

No wonder, though, that the excavator thought the temple to be Ishtar’s. Her sacred animal, the lion, abounds among the copious sculptures. Both Ishtar and Shaushka were “lion ladies.” Sphinxes, which in Phoenician times became closely connected to Ishtar and thus probably to Shaushka, are very much in evidence there. Another notable feature of the damaged sculpture is what looks like rows of bird claws. Traditionally birds accompany love and war goddesses — doves for love and predatory birds for war. Aside from the lions, sphinxes, and bird claws, there is stronger evidence that the temple deity was an Ishtar-type of goddess.[6] An almost complete stela, found in rubble near the entrance of the temple (Assaf 1993: 169), depicts a goddess who I think is Shaushka. Striding forward in what looks like a split skirt, she bears weapons in both hands and has what might be a quiver of arrows slung over her shoulder. Her prominent vulvic triangle signals her other self of love and sexuality.[7]

Another personage depicted on the walls is a mountain god, who appears flanked by mythic animals. Certainly there were many mountain-range and peak deities in the surrounding mountainous area. Some scholars have speculated that the ‘Ain Dara mountain god was the spouse of the goddess. In support of this suggestion, in the temple of the storm god at Aleppo, not far from ‘Ain Dara, the stela of Shaushka stands next to that of a mountain god as if they were spouses (Gonnella, Khayyata, and Kohlmeyer 2005: 101-102). At ‘Ain Dara there are several images of this Atlas-like figure, a fact which indicates that he was probably revered at the temple, perhaps as the goddess’s spouse.


A mountain god in the high horned crown of deity and wearing shoes with turned-up toes. His scaled skirt indicates the mountain he inhabits. He stands between two bull-men. The relief is situated in or near the inner sanctum of the temple.
Drawing © S. Beaulieu, after Monson 2000: 29.

Curiosity about a wonderful ancient temple[8] and its deity led me to discover a goddess entirely new to me: the “Queen of Nineveh” Shaushka. Such are the excitement and reward of goddess research!

Notes

  1. I have done very little work on the Hittites before this and none on the Hurrians. For Ishtar, see my articles on Inanna.
  2. The scholarly consensus is that the Hittites entered Anatolia around 2300 BCE. They eventually established an empire with its capital at Hattusas and became a great military power rivaling Egypt and Babylon. Their strongholds in Anatolia were conquered and destroyed around 1200 BCE, possibly by the so-called Sea Peoples ((Bienkowski and Millard 2000: 146-147).
  3. Usually the goddess Hebat was Teshub’s spouse.
  4. “Tell” comes from the Arabic word for “mound” or “low hill” (Hebrew tel). A tell results from the build-up of layers of a town or city on the ruins of its predecessor. The Near East is dotted with tells, mostly unexcavated (Rosen in Meyers 1997: V, 163).
  5. John Monson argues that scholars should be interested in the ‘Ain Dara temple because its size and plan are similar to that of King Solomon’s temple as described in the Hebrew Bible. Further, its dates, about 1300 BCE to 740 BCE, cover the tenth century BCE, the period when Solomon had the temple built. Monson calls ‘Ain Dara “a stunning parallel to Solomon’s temple” (2000: 20).
  6. One scholar has argued that ‘Ain Dara’s dedicatee was the Syrian storm god Baal-Hadad (Monson 2000:27, footnote). One of the badly damaged stelas seems to show an enthroned deity, possibly male, which might support this argument.
  7. My instinct is that Shaushka became assimilated into later goddesses, especially Anatolian Kubaba and Cybele.
  8. Most unusual are the huge footprints carved in the stones of the entrance to the temple. No one so far has produced a satisfactory explanation of them.

Bibliography

  • Assaf, Ali Abou 1993. “Der Tempel von ‘Ain Dara in Nordsyrien.” Antike Welt 24/2: 155-171
  • Assaf, Ali Abou 1990. Der Tempel von ‘Ain Dara. Mainz am Rhein, Germany: von Zabern
  • Assaf, Ali Abou 1983. “Ein Relief der kriegerischen Gottin.” Damaszener Mitteilungen 1: 7-8
  • Beckman, Gary 1998. “Ishtar of Nineveh Reconsidered.” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 50: 1-9
  • Bienkowski, P, and A. Millard 2000. Dictionary of the Ancient Near East. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press
  • Black, Jeremy and Anthony Green. 2003 (1992). Gods, Demons, and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press
  • Gonnella, J., W. Khayyata, and K. Kohlmeyer 2005. Die Zitadelle von Aleppo und der Tempel des Wettergottes: Neue Forschungen und Entdecken. Münster, Germany: Rhema
  • Hoffner, Henry A., Jr. 1990. Hittite Myths. Atlanta, GA: Scholars
  • Johnston, Sarah I. 2004. Religions of the Ancient World: A Guide. Cambridge, MA: Belknap, Harvard University Press
  • Leick, Gwendolyn 1999. Who’s Who in the Ancient Near East. London: Routledge
  • Meyers, Eric M., editor 1997. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East. Five volumes. New York: Oxford University Press
  • Wegner, Ilse 1981. Gestalt und Kult der Ishtar-Shawushka in Kleinasien. Kevelaer, Germany: Butzon and Bercker
  • Monson, John 2000. “The ‘Ain Dara Temple: Closest Solomon Parallel.” Biblical Archaeologist Review 26/3: 20-35, 67
  • Pomponio, Francisco and Paolo Xella. 1997. Les dieux d’Ebla: Étude analytique des divinités éblaïtes à l’epoque des archives royals du IIIe millénaire. Münster, Germany: Ugarit-Verlag
  • van der Toorn, Karel, Bob Becking, and Pieter W. van der Horst, editors. 1999. Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible: Second Extensively Revised Edition. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill and Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans

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